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Inspired by an incident (1967) of agrarian agitation in the town of Naxalbari (hence, their name) in West Bengal, the Naxalite movement was an uprising of armed revolutionaries, aggressively opposing what they termed to be exploitation. It “radically challenged the premises of established morality”.[1] Targeting landlords, moneylenders, and police, the practice of terrorism was typical of this movement as well.[2] Although it was crushed within a few months, perhaps nothing was quite the same afterwards in the Indian countryside. If contained in one place, it erupted in another corner of the land. Naxalbari was followed by Srikakulam, Debra-Gopiballavpur, Birbhum, Bhoipur, and the like. It may be described as a part of a worldwide impulse among the radicals in the late 1960s. In the Indian context, it took the form of appealing to the peasantry,[3] which had been a source of change in China but also meant in India ignoring other important layers of society.[4]

Since the initial bloodshed in the late-1960s, groups of radicals organized into “dalams” and intensified the armed struggle. The Indian society witnessed the Naxalite model for the first time (1968) in North Bihar, violence reaching stormy proportions in the Communist-dominated districts of Uttar Pradesh, and in Madhya Pradesh as well as in the tribal areas of Orissa. Even before the Communist Party of India (CPI-ML) put into shape a People’s Liberation Army in early 1971, the Naxalites attacked the police, whom they saw as the guardian of he existing order.

Although several Naxalite groups now exist in various parts of India, most of them are concentrated in Andhra Pradesh and bihar. The People’s War Group in the former was the most active. It sought to gain popularity with the people by insisting on an ethical code such as a ban on alcohol, and introduced (1989) the use of the AK-47 assault rifles. The Maoist Communist Centre (MCC), which came into existence in 1975, spread to Bihar’s central districts. Starting in Bastar the Naxalite movement in Madhya Pradesh broadened to include some other districts and became more brutal involving the burning alive of a police platoon commander.

The people’s support to the Naxalite movement has declined in West Bengal. The reasons for this loss should be sought in the local government’s execution of some land reform projects rather than restraining police action. But the CPI (ML) Liberation, based in central and south Bihar,[5] and recognized as a legitimate party in 1994, engaged in murderous acts while at the same time conducting an open political campaign. Party unity, with followings among the Harijans,[6] Adivasis[7] and similar backward communities, functions covertly since its inception (1982) and indulges in caste violence. The MCC operates through armed squads which assassinate rural landlords, the so-called people’s courts which metes out quick justice, and the peasants’ committees which constitute the root structure of the movement. Opting for illegal activities, the MCC burn down election vehicles and threatened the electorate to keep away from the polls. The Shanti Pal group of the CPI (ML) also defied parliamentary struggle and chose armed agrarian revolution, in pursuit of which, it not only tries to mobilize peasants, but also enrolls criminals. Some of these groups such as the Santosh Rana team, which took part in the 1995 Assembly elections, occasionally relies on the votes of the electorate. Some others, like Yatindra faction, frequently clash with other gangs. Occasionally, the Andra Pradesh Government set 30-day limits for suspension of police operations against the Naxalites, and some extremists surrendered during that period.[8]

The Naxalite movement, which grew on account of socio-economic exploitation but which also enjoyed some external support, now lost, is fragmented but still active. While none of these groups favours secession from the country, their violence will probably continue as long as the root causes are not eradicated.

[1] Rabindra Ray, The Naxalites and Their Ideology, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1988,

[2] Sumanta Banerjee, India’s Simmering Revolution: the Naxalites Uprising, London, Zed Books, 1984. For a history of the Santals, tribals of south Bihar: Edward Duyker, Tribal Guerillas: the Santals of West Bengal and the Naxalite Movement, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1987.

[3] A Gosh and K. Dutt, Development of Capitalist Relations in Agriculture: a Case Study of West Bengal, 19=793-1971. New Delhi, People’s Publishing House, 1977.

[4] Sankar Ghosh, The Naxalite Movement: a Maoist Experiment, Calcutta, K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1974.

[5] In spite of the all-embracing title of the book, the revolutionary movement in Bihar from 1902 to 1035: Shaileshwar Nath, Terrorism in India, New Delhi, National Publishing House, 1980.

[6] Suresh Narain Srivastav, Harijans in Indian Society: a Cultural Study of the Status of Jarijans and other Backward Classes from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, Lucknow, Upper India Publishing House, 1980. What is means to be an Untouchable (Harijan)in contemporary India: Barbara R. Joshi, Untouchable! Voices of the Dalit Liberation Movement, London, Zed Books, 1986. A filed work among the Chamar University Press,1984.

[7] Government of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, The Adivasis, Faridabad, 1960; V[asant] D[attatraya] Dwshpande, Adivasis of Thane, Pune, Dastane, 1985; Godari Parulekar, Adivasi’s Revolt, Calcutta, National Book Agency, 1975: Prafulla Ch. Mahapatro and Daityari Panda, Adivasis: their Problems and Redemies, Koraput, Dayanand Anglo-Vedic College, 1972.

[8] For instance: The Times of India, New Delhi, 16 July 1989,

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