The Indian Analyst
 

Kashmir and Neighbors

 

 

Nation-Building

India-Social and Economic Transformation |Nation-Building | India-Problems of PluralismPakistan- Political Pandemonium | Pakistan-Search for Economic Stability

Feudalism persisted in India until the mid-19th century, postponing the challenge of a socio-economic transformation after independence. The Objectives Resolution, conveyed into the gracefully-phrased Preamble of the Constitution, sanctioned development and socio-economic justice as well as liberty. Population, poverty and the future of India were very closely interlinked.[1] Although there has been tremendous increase in production and services since India’s independence, per capita growth is far from being impressive. There were millions unemployed, and many more millions under-employed. The state of malnutrition, poor shelter, and insufficient health services were terrifying. Yet, there was no planning to meet the fearful growth of the birth rate or any way to motivate the people to voluntarily accept a smaller family norm.

India, which possessed a railway system spanning the length and breadth of the country as the only silver lining when British rule ended, developed a competitive industrial base in the last half century. The founding fathers immediately proceeded to establish cement, steel, power and heavy engineering plants. Indian economic development came a long way from this beginning. In addition to basic industries, India progressed in computer software, nuclear power and space technology. It looks forward to become the fourth largest economy in the world in two decades.

With only a few private industries, like the Tata steel plant, set up prior to independence, India set off as planned economy. Consequently, Bharat Heavy Electrical Limited, India Oil Corporation, National Thermal power Corporation, and the steel Authority of India Limited flourished as state-owned companies. The First 5-Year Plan(1951-56) laid stress on agriculture, with the condition that 44% of total investment allocated to it was used to develop industry in later years. Since Pakistan inherited one-fifth of the population but about a quarter of food supply of the Sub-continent, the result was shortage of food for India. Moreover, while nine-tenths of the acreage under jute and nearly three-quarters of that under cotton went to Pakistan, almost all of the jute and cotton mills remained in India. To supply the necessary raw material for them, lands in Assam, Bengal and Bihar had to be converted for jute and cotton crops. The First Plan was little more than a collective of ongoing projects, but in terms of achievement, it was the most successful, the country exceeding the target for food production and attaining all the other economic targets. The Second and the Third Plans aimed to develop the basic industries fundamental to furthering economic growth.

Nehru had advocated since the early 1930s the nationalization of services in order to diminish the restraint on the poor. Even prior to independence, a Congress appropriate committee made a timely distinction between enforceable civil rights and socio-economic rights that needed new legislation. Both concepts, which became Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy adopted by the Constituent Assembly, covered the right to work, equal pay for equal work to men and women, adequate wages, free and compulsory education, fair distribution of resources, and uplifting of the poorer sections of the population. These principles, while siding with the down-trodden lower orders, were necessarily against the Jagirdars,[2] Mirasdars,[3] and the Zamindars,[4] and the usurers known by different name like Banias, Chetties or Sahukars.

Hitherto dispossessed groups, led by newly-emerging leaders, inevitably came face to face with the threatened vested interests, who generally exhibit remarkable capacity to survive by adapting to changing contingencies. Although India seemed well on the way to achieving an economic take-off by the end of the third five-year plan (1965), the momentum of growth was broken within a couple of years. According to some commentators, the decisive cause of economic stagnation after 1966 was political. The stratum consisting of small manufacturers, traders, market-oriented proprietors and similar self-employed groups, which benefited from economic stagnation and therefore had a vested interest in its perpetuation, had risen to dominance.[5] Instead of the “parasitic nature”” of these intermediate groups, which held back the “wheel of history”, the rise of the middle class would involve a break with the pattern of industrialization. In spite of economic growth, motivated by the “invisible hand” of the free market system balanced with rational central planning, the expected fair distribution did not generate. The nation, getting more and more populous, was still divided into the majority poor primarily consisting of the destitute, unemployed, lower service men, poor tillers of the soil, and the urban workers on the one hand, and the few rich encompassing the leading capital owners, rural landlords, middle bourgeoisie, well-to-do commercial people and the highest professionals, on the other. In spite of some mobility, the misery of the bulk of the poor still seemed to be an unalterable destiny (karma). The removal of poverty, amidst rising population, remains as the number one item on the country’s agenda. Rating perhaps sixth in the global count for overall industrial production but figuring well over 100th in terms of per capita income, the contradiction of growth and poverty continued to coexist. Although this fact may be party due to population explosion, socio-economic inequality in India has a long heritage, sanctified by the rigid caste structure distributing professions by the accident of birth. All responsible Indian leaders revolted against this side of the heritage. While an ancient society is being transformed into a modern polity, the contradiction is nevertheless visible. Every upsurge in national standards continues to offer unequal benefits to the entrenched haves at the expense of the lower castes and classes.

The precarious steering of the political course between the dominant classes, whose support many politicians need for survival, and the promises made to the needy electorate, without whose vote no government can last, has so far failed to bring the socio-economic transformation drive to the level envisaged in the early independence decade. The off-and-on alliances of parts of the upper half of society with the odds and ends of groups such as the communalists only depreciate efforts of nation-building.


[1] Karan Singh, Population, Poverty and the Future of India, New Delhi, National Institute of Family Planning, 1975. The author was Head of State in Kashmir for eighteen years (1949-67) and later (1973) Minister of Health and Family Planning in the Central Cabinet.

[2] Holder of revenue-producing lands assigned for salary, i.e., a jagir

[3] Holders of hereditary lands.

[4] Landlords who control the peasants directly.

[5] For instance: Prem Shankar Jha, India: a Political Economy Economy of Stagnation, Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1980. The author examines the causes of the onset of economic stagnation after 15 years of seemingly healthy growth.

 

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