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Kashmir and Neighbors |
Violence in KashmirThe Retreat of the Rebellion | Violence in Kashmir | Fanning the Flames For
long years, the people of the Valley were afraid to condemn the
militants. Quite often, the relatives could not even claim the body of
the murdered person. They remained mute even after the militants moved
beyond the symbols of the state, killing unarmed non-combatants. They were
silent when the bodies of poet Sarwanand Koul and his son were
found, their eyes gouged out and limbs broken. When Jindu Kashmiris or
pandits were targeted, thousand of them had to be relocated in camps
near Delhi. Although some city dwellers at times assisted fleeing
militants willingly, many of the people in the countryside, who wanted
to be left alone, had to provide food and shelter in exchange of
security. Even some officials had to buy their peace with militants. The
militants tortured or executed some individuals or grounds of mere
suspicion that they were mukhbirs (informants). In some
instances, the entire families were wiped out, including minors and
babies. Despite
India’s generally good past record in managing its minorities, some
security personnel also resorted to unnecessary force and even
brutality. The latter, however, should not be compared to what occurred
in Bosnia or in Chechnya. But there are instances of personnel in
uniform beating men with rifle butts, looting houses, stealing gold and
jewellery, torching the dwellings in the poorer Muslim localities,
indiscriminately firing from their positions, applying electric shock to
the genitals of the interrogated person and inserting a rod into his
rectum. Some of these personnel were severely reprimanded, but in some
cases, nothing was done. Not all senior officers were like Lieut. Gen.
M.A. Zaki, who did not tolerate any excesses. For some time, neither the
kashmiri officials, nor the Indian Government paid serious attention to
the problems of the neglected security force, whose small-scale bunkers
generally had no lighting or heating. |
On
the other hand, it is only natural that following the recovery of a
burnt body, the ransacking of a local mosque or anguish over a murder,
the local people should start putting up their shutters, holding
anti-terrorist demonstrations, and registering their voices against
violence. Gradually, people became emboldened to resist violence.
Students boycotted classes (in Hazratbal, Srinagar on 11 October 1995)
in protest against the attack on Professor Azhari, and members of the
Bar Association did not attend the courts (in Srinagar on 17 October
1995) following the killing lawyer (G. Qadir Sailani). The local people
reacted in various kind of hartals (protests) against wholesale
killings such as the murder of 15 Hindus in Parankote, Bhakikote and
Ladda villages (17-18 April 1996), 25 Hindus in Chapnari, Doda (19 June
1998) or 17 Hindus in Kishtwar (27 –28 July 1998). Militancy
continued as the world entered the year 2000. On Christmas Eve, foreign
militants struck the Jammu-Pathankot National Highway and gunned down
three policemen near Vijapur.[1]
Four security men were killed and 13 others injured two daya later.[2]
In between the two events, an army camp became the target of
rockets.[3]
More dramatically, an Indian Airlines plane with 186 passengers was
hijacked by a group of five extremists. Although Osama Bin Laden had
reportedly left Kandahar shortly after the hijacked place landed in a
southern Afghan city,[4] He
denied links to the event. The hijackers slipped undetected through
remote mountain passes[5]
after three hardcore militants were released in exchange for the hostages
abroad the airbus.[6] While the Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in New
Delhi geared up for the political repercussions of such release,
described by some analysts as a dangerous decision, senior police
officers in Kashmir warned of a spate of enhanced terrorist activity
following that move. [7]
Although a local president of the ruling National Conference was shot
at near Charar-e Sharif, and a policeman killed in Doda the same day, 11
militants were killed and 17 other surrendered during the same period. [8]Sigbificantly,
while the release of militants would have echoed with chants of “azadi”
ten years ago, the same
streets witnessed absolute silence now.[9]
When a group of militant leaders were released in 1994, they were
accorded a tumultuous reception. Prominent Kashmiri militant groups such
as the Hizb-ul Mujahideen hastily denounced the hijacking in an effort
to rule out any possibility of involvement in the act. |
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The massacre of a gathering attending a wedding party in a Dods village may mark the failure of the security forces, but it also shows the latter’s success in pushing the militants to the hilly tracts where they attack unprotected rural people. In any case, the dream, injected a decade ago, that azadi was “around the corner”[10] was replaced by a rapid expansion of graveyards. About 20,000 persons have dies, half of them being combatants.[11] Many were wounded, injured, and molested. At least some disillusionment was bound to dawn.[12] [1] The Kashmir Times, Srinagar, 26 December 1999. [2] Ibid., 28 December 1999. [3] Ibid., 27 December 1999. [4] The Asian Age, 31 December 1999. [5] Ibid., 3 January 2000. [6] Ibid., 2 January 2000. [7] Greater Kashmir Times, Srinagar, 3 January 2000. [8]The Kashmir Times, 29 December 1999. [9] The Hindustan Times, 2 January 2000. [10] A former militant, Bashir Ahmad, stated even 1992: “We thought that azadi was around the corner when the upsurge began”. Dinesh Kumar, “Disillusion overtakes discontent in Kashmir”, The Times of India. New Delhi, 9 July 1992. [11] Many people in Srinagar will tell an outsider that the number of the killed is as high as 50,000. [12] Public protests against atrocities occurred even in Trehgam, the native village of the JKLF founder Maqbool Bhatt. Dinesh Kumar, “Protests against militancy rising in J&K”, The Times of India, New Delhi. 5 June 1994.
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