The Indian Analyst
 

Kashmir and Neighbors

 

 

Violence in Kashmir

The Retreat of the Rebellion | Violence in Kashmir | Fanning the Flames 

For long years, the people of the Valley were afraid to condemn the militants. Quite often, the relatives could not even claim the body of the murdered person. They remained mute even after the militants moved beyond the symbols of the state, killing unarmed non-combatants. They were silent when the bodies of poet Sarwanand Koul and his son were found, their eyes gouged out and limbs broken. When Jindu Kashmiris or pandits were targeted, thousand of them had to be relocated in camps near Delhi. Although some city dwellers at times assisted fleeing militants willingly, many of the people in the countryside, who wanted to be left alone, had to provide food and shelter in exchange of security. Even some officials had to buy their peace with militants. The militants tortured or executed some individuals or grounds of mere suspicion that they were mukhbirs (informants). In some instances, the entire families were wiped out, including minors and babies.

Despite India’s generally good past record in managing its minorities, some security personnel also resorted to unnecessary force and even brutality. The latter, however, should not be compared to what occurred in Bosnia or in Chechnya. But there are instances of personnel in uniform beating men with rifle butts, looting houses, stealing gold and jewellery, torching the dwellings in the poorer Muslim localities, indiscriminately firing from their positions, applying electric shock to the genitals of the interrogated person and inserting a rod into his rectum. Some of these personnel were severely reprimanded, but in some cases, nothing was done. Not all senior officers were like Lieut. Gen. M.A. Zaki, who did not tolerate any excesses. For some time, neither the kashmiri officials, nor the Indian Government paid serious attention to the problems of the neglected security force, whose small-scale bunkers generally had no lighting or heating.

On the other hand, it is only natural that following the recovery of a burnt body, the ransacking of a local mosque or anguish over a murder, the local people should start putting up their shutters, holding anti-terrorist demonstrations, and registering their voices against violence. Gradually, people became emboldened to resist violence. Students boycotted classes (in Hazratbal, Srinagar on 11 October 1995) in protest against the attack on Professor Azhari, and members of the Bar Association did not attend the courts (in Srinagar on 17 October 1995) following the killing lawyer (G. Qadir Sailani). The local people reacted in various kind of hartals (protests) against wholesale killings such as the murder of 15 Hindus in Parankote, Bhakikote and Ladda villages (17-18 April 1996), 25 Hindus in Chapnari, Doda (19 June 1998) or 17 Hindus in Kishtwar (27 –28 July 1998).

Militancy continued as the world entered the year 2000. On Christmas Eve, foreign militants struck the Jammu-Pathankot National Highway and gunned down three policemen near Vijapur.[1] Four security men were killed and 13 others injured two daya later.[2]  In between the two events, an army camp became the target of rockets.[3] More dramatically, an Indian Airlines plane with 186 passengers was hijacked by a group of five extremists. Although Osama Bin Laden had reportedly left Kandahar shortly after the hijacked place landed in a southern Afghan city,[4] Hi

 He denied links to the event. The hijackers slipped undetected through remote mountain passes[5] after three hardcore militants were released in exchange for the hostages abroad the airbus.[6] While the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in New Delhi geared up for the political repercussions of such release, described by some analysts as a dangerous decision, senior police officers in Kashmir warned of a spate of enhanced terrorist activity following that move. [7] Although a local president of the ruling National Conference was shot at near Charar-e Sharif, and a policeman killed in Doda the same day, 11 militants were killed and 17 other surrendered during the same period. [8]Sigbificantly, while the release of militants would have echoed with chants of “azadi” ten years ago,  the same streets witnessed absolute silence now.[9] When a group of militant leaders were released in 1994, they were accorded a tumultuous reception. Prominent Kashmiri militant groups such as the Hizb-ul Mujahideen hastily denounced the hijacking in an effort to rule out any possibility of involvement in the act.

The massacre of a gathering attending a wedding party in a Dods village may mark the failure of the security forces, but it also shows the latter’s success in pushing the militants to the hilly tracts where they attack unprotected rural people. In any case, the dream, injected a decade ago, that azadi was “around the corner”[10] was replaced by a rapid expansion of graveyards. About 20,000 persons have dies, half of them being combatants.[11] Many were wounded, injured, and molested. At least some disillusionment was bound to dawn.[12]


[1] The Kashmir Times, Srinagar, 26 December 1999.

[2] Ibid., 28 December 1999.

[3] Ibid., 27 December 1999.

[4] The Asian Age, 31 December 1999.

[5] Ibid., 3 January 2000.

[6] Ibid., 2 January 2000.

[7] Greater Kashmir Times, Srinagar, 3 January 2000.

[8]The Kashmir Times, 29 December 1999.

[9] The Hindustan Times, 2 January 2000.

[10] A former militant, Bashir Ahmad, stated even 1992: “We thought that azadi was around the corner when the upsurge began”. Dinesh Kumar, “Disillusion overtakes discontent in Kashmir”, The Times of India. New Delhi, 9 July 1992.

[11] Many people in Srinagar will tell an outsider that the number of the killed is as high as 50,000.

[12] Public protests against atrocities occurred even in Trehgam, the native village of the JKLF founder Maqbool Bhatt. Dinesh Kumar, “Protests against militancy rising in J&K”, The Times of India, New Delhi. 5 June 1994.

 

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