the inscriptions on stone collected between 1926 and 1931 in the
Karnatak area of the former Bombay Presidency, as many as 211 epigraphs
were published in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume XI (Bombay
Karnatak Inscriptions, Volume I), Parts I and II. Almost all the remaining inscriptions of this five years
collection have been incorporated in the present volume.
The total number of inscriptions now published runs to 771.
These inscriptions can be divided broadly under the following
sections with reference to their subject-matter;
Chalukyas of Kalyana, (2) The Kalachuris, (3) The Yadavas, (4) The
Hoysalas, (5) The Sindas, (6) The Kadambas, (7) The Vijayanagara Kings,
(8) The Muslim rulers, (9) The Marathas, (10) The East India Company and
detailed study of these records will surely yield many fruitful results
for the scholars working in various fields, such as epigraphy, dynastic
history, chronology, ancient, geography, social life, religion,
education, literature and language.
However, within the limited scope at our disposal, it is proposed
to review here briefly some of the main facts of political history
brought to light by these epigraphs for the benefit of the students of
Chalukyas of Badami
this dynasty is not directly represented in the present collection and
no inscription can be assigned definitely to any particular ruler of
this family, a number of short inscriptions comprising descriptive
labels, found at Badami proper and in the adjoining places like Mahakuta,
Aihole and Pattadakal fall within the regime of these rulers and some of
them seem to contain interesting contemporary references to the members
of the royal house, feudatory chiefs, artists, teachers, and persons
distinguished in other walks of life.
For instance, Nos. 441-42 speak of one and the same individual
Bhimasakti, a chief of the Sendraka family.
He figures once again in No.443, whrrein he is described as one
devoted to the pair of feet of the illustrious Satyasraya.
As the title Satyasraya was commonly attributed to the
princes of the early Chalukya family, it is difficult to identify this
king with any particular ruler, although it is tempting to surmise that
he might be Pulakesin II on account of his more familiar association
with it. His subordinate
Sendraka Bhimasakti is not known from any other source and his relation
with the known members of this family cannot be ascertained in the
absence of more details (of. Arch.Surv.An. Rep., 1928-29, p. 117;Ep.Ind.,
Volume XXVIII, p.199). Among
the records of this category may be noted a few more, such as Sri-Juddha-vikraman
(No.424), Sri-Vikkarasan (No.426), Sri-Ranaparakraman (No.430)
and Prati-Vikrama (No.401), Sarvasiddhi-acharya (No.488) and
Nirmanadeva Pullappan (No.487) appear to have been renowned as great
inscription (No.489) on a pillar at Pattadakal in the Badami taluk seems
to shed some welcome light on the dark period of the history of this
family after the subjugation of Kirtivarman II by Dantidurga, the
founder of Rastrakuta sovereignty.
It is engraved in archaic Kannada characters of about the 8th
century and purports to state that the pillar was the gift of Maharaja
Taila who was an
administrative officer of the region (Pergade).
The association of the high-sounding title Maharaja once
more with this dignitary in this brief epigraph points to his exalted
position and it would not be unreasonable to identity him with Taila I,
nephew of Kirtivarman II (of. Arch.Sur.An.Rep.,loc.cit.).
is an inscription at Sondekola in the Chitaldrug District (Ep.Carn.,Vol.XI,
Cd.25), which mentions a Vikramadityadeva and cites the date Saka 893,
Pausha su. 13, Sunday, Uttarayana-sankranti.
This date is irregular; but it can broadly be equated to 971 A.D.
Rice has sought to identify this Vikramadityadeva with Vikramaditya IV,
father of Taila II (ibid., Introduction, p.10).
The grounds for such an identification are not quire convincing.
little is known about the other members of this family until we come to
Tailia II who re-established Chalukya supremacy in Karnataka.
An epigraph from Narsalgi in the Bagewadi Taluk shows that Taila
II was a. subordinate of Rashtrakuta Krishna III and that in 965 A.D.,
he was governing the tract of Tardavadi Thousand represented by the
modern Bijapur District (S. I.I., Vol. XI, Part I, No.40).
It might be this same Taila II who figures nine years earlier in
an inscription from Karjol in the Bijapur taluk, dated 956 A.D. , which
mentions Tailapayya as governing the Nadu (i.e., territory) under the
same Rashtrakuta monarch (B.K. No.178 of 1933-34).
From these notices, though scanty, it appears that the sphere of
activity of the members of the Chalukya house, after they had lost their
independent status, was confined mainly to the Bijapur territory which
was their ancestral home.
Rashtrakutas of Malkhed
in the case of the Chalukyas of Badami, the present collection contains
no record having a clear bearing with the rulers of the dynasty.
But incidentally some interesting side lights on the history of
this family are furnished by the records of a
later period. No.
from Salavadigi belongs to the reign of Jagadekamalla II.
But in its preliminary description it narrates events that took
place in the times of the Rashtrakutas.
In this context we are introduced to a dignitary named Horeyama
serving under Subhatunga-Vallabha Akalavarsha Krishnaraja who has to be
identified with Krishna II. This Horeyama is praised as Samantagrani (supreme
among the feudatories) and
the fierce sword in the hand of his master Krishnaraja.
He is also said to have been holding the office of
Talara of Manykheda.
In the early period, the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions of the
Ikshvaku kings containing allusions to officials of the state,
designated Mahatalasvara (Ep.Ind.,Vol.XX, p.32).
The epigraph under reference points to the fact that this office
was held in esteem as late as the ninth century and that it was also in
vogue in the areas of Karnataka. Subsequently, this office lost its dignity and the term talavara
denoted a village of a low cadre.
interesting reference to Bankapur as the capital of Indra-Vallabha is
found in No.585 from Boganur in the Navalgund Taluk.
This Indra-Vallabha can easily be identified as the Rastrakuta
prince Indra IV, grandson of Krishna III, on account of his well-known
association with the town. Banapur
was a seat of reputed Jaina teachers and Indra IV being a devout
follower of the faith must have had great attraction forit.
As the Rashtragkutas ceased to wield political power by 973 A.D.,
Indra IV could not have ruled in reality.
He was, however, crowned to the Rashtrakuta throne about 973 A.D.
by his maternal uncle Marasimha III of the Western Ganga family (Ep.Carn.,
Vol.II, No.59). Claiming
himself to be the master of the Rashtrakuda kingdom, Indra IV appears to
have settled at Bankapur until his death in 982 A.D. In this manner,
this town came to be known as the capital of Indra-Vallabha.
This genuine historic association handed down in popular
tradition seems to have been recorded more than a century later in the
present epigraph of about the 12th century.
Chalukyas of Kalyana
section commences with an epigraph of the time of Ahavanmalla Somesvara
I, followed by those of his successors, Bhuvanaikamalla Somesvara
II and Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI. For the reign of the last
mentioned ruler, we have about a dozen records, nine of which bear dates
in different years of the Chalukya-Vikrama era.
Examination of these dates shows that three (Nos.6,9 and 80) out
of the eight counted the first year of his reign from 1077 A.D. and the
rest reckoned it from 1076 A.D. No.4 which seems to cite Parthiva as the
29th year of the king (19th being obviously a
mistake of the engraver) yields
1077 A.D. and Pingala as the first year.
This kind of divergency has been notices in the inscriptions of
Vikramaditya VI, published in the S.I.I., Vol.XI, Part II, as
well as in those edited or notices in various other publications.
After a careful survey of almost all the inscriptions, dated in
the Chalukya-Vikrama reckoning, and on the explicit evidence of an
epigraph from Nidugundi (ibid., Part I, No.117), reinforced by
that the Chalukya-vikrama era actually commenced from the date of the
king’s coronation on Chalukya-Vikrama era actually Pingala,
corresponding to 1077 A.D., February 26, Sunday.
In this context I have scrutinised
the divergent views advanced by scholars, explained the
historical factors that were responsible for these differences in the
reckoning and offered a solution for reconciling the conflicting
VI seems to have ruled until his 51st regnal year and died
sometime in Megha or Phalguna of the cyclic year Parabhava.
This is evidenced by an inscription from Chikkavadavatti of his
reign citing the year 51, Magha su.5, Wednesday, equated with 1127 A.D.,
January 19, (S.I.I., Vol.XI, Part II, No.178).
As his son Bhulokamalla Somesvara III is known to have
counted Parabhava as his first regnal year according to the majority
ofinscriptions (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Part II, p.455), the demise
of the father and the accession of the son might have taken place
between January 19 and March 14 in 1127 A.D. In the light of the above
testimony, the statement that Somesvara III came to the throne on a day
between July 24 and October 5, 1126 A.D. in The Historical
Inscriptions of Southern India, p.99, needs to be corrected.
reign of Bhulokamalla Somesvara III commenced, as mentioned
above, in the cyclic year Parabhava.
But No.13 showsthat it was also counted from the previous year
Vishvasu or 1125-26 A.D. which was the last year of his predecessor
Vikramdaditya VI. No.31
from Amminbhavi of the reign of Jagadekamalla II, dated 1146 A.D.,
referes to the king as having been at Kotitirtha on the Gautama-Ganga
(i.e. Godavari) river and performed the Tulapurusha ceremony.
The purpose of the king’s visit to he holy place in the north,
whether it was actuated by a political mission or religious sentiment,
is not known from the epigraph. It
is interesting to note in this connection that accordking to an
inscription of circa 1097 A.D. from Hunasi-Hadagali in the
Gulbarga District, Vikramaditya VI, performed the Tulapurusha ceremony
at Kotitirtha is on the bank of the Narmada, the reference to
Gautama-Ganga or Godhavari in both these cases is apparently a mistake.
The inscriptions of the reign of Trailokyamalla Taila III
range from 1151 to 1159 A.D. No.48 seems to suggest that the title Tribhuvanamalla
was also associated with his name.
This reign is follwed by the Kalachuri interregnum which is
earliest inscription of the reign of Tribhuvanamalla
Vira-Somesvara IV is dated 1184 A.D., April 25 (No.56).
This is followed by another of July 9 in the same year (No.57).
Among the early inscriptions of this king some mention the cyclic
year Krodhi as his second year and some refer to the same as his third
year. This would mean that his reign started from 1182 or 1183 A.D.
But no record of his directly assignable to either of these years has
been discovered so far. This
leads us to surmise that the efforts of this king to restore the
Chalkukya authority began to bear fruit by 1182 A.D. and that he
ultimately succeeded in overthrowing the regime of the Kalachuri
usurpers in the early months of 1184 A.D.
Somesvara IV seems to have been hailed as the rightful master in
some parts of the country even prior to 1182 A.D., as indicated by an
interesting epigraph from Malayanur in the Anantapur District, dated
1179 A.D., which speaks, without specifying his name, of a
Chalukya-chakravarti endowed with the imperial titles, as ruling the
kingdom (S.I.I., Vol. IX, Part I, No.273).
In No.58, from Minajigai, Somesvara IV is stated to have been
camping at Manjara-tirtha on the Godhavari.
the last date available from our records for this king is 1194
A.D. (No.74). No.76
prefixes the title Trailokyamalla to his name, which is unusual.
It is not unlikely that Somesvara IV inherited this title from
his father Taila III, besides the familiar Tribhuvanamalla.
is represented by 49 inscriptions.
Many new facts about the history of this family have been brought
forth by the inscriptions surveyed by the Epigraphical Branch in the
areas of the former Bombay Karnatak and these have been supplemented by
a study of a few more inscriptions secured byme privately some years ago
in the areas of the former Hyderabad State.
An outline of the new historical data regarding this family has
been briefly indicated in my article on the Harasur inscription of King
Soma (Ep.Ind., Vol.XXVIII, pp.23.ff), and the same have been
elaborately discussed in my lectures on he Kalachuries of Karnataka,
delivered in 1951 at the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar.
This account has again been summarised
in A Corpus of Inscriptions, etc., op.cit., pp.9 ff.
Therefore, it is unnecessary to repeat here what has already been
No. 12 from Ingalesvar, dated 1128 A.D.,
Hermadi or Permadi figures as governing the province of Tardavadi
as a subordinate of Chalukya Somesvara III.
In marked contrast to this stands out an epigraph from Tadalbagi,
dated the next year, i.e., 1129 A.D. (B.K. No.66 of 1938-39).
This inscription, though it belongs to the time of Chalukya
Somesvara III, does not refer to this overlord.
Further, it introduces Permadi without his subordinate title Mahamandalesvara,
and strangely enough cites his 12th reignal year.
This tendency of insubordination to the Chalukya suzerainty
evinced by Permadi seems to have forged the way of his son Bijjala II
who usurped his master’s throne.
II was enjoying a responsible position in the administration by 1147
A.D. as disclosed by an inscription at Muttigi of the time of
Jagadekamalla II (No.32). In
this record, he is addressed characteristically as Kumara, i.e.,
‘prince’, a title usually applied to the members of the royal
family. But an inscription
of the same king from walasang, dated 1142 A.D., shows that Bijjalla,
had started his career as a Mahamandalesvara five years earlier
and that he was governing the province of Karahada Four Thousand in this
year (B.K. No.128 of 1940-41). This epigraph, for the first time, discloses the blood
relationship that subsisted between this Kalachuri chief and the
Chalukya house by calling Chandaladevi, the queen of Vikramaditya VI, as
account of his success in overthrowing the Chalukyas, Bijjala II seems
to have considered himself mightier than the great Chalukyas and
exhibited his sense o pride by assuming a number of high-sounding
titles. His most familiar
titles are Tribhuvanamalla and Bhujabala-Chakravarti. He
is often referred to in the inscriptions merely by his titles.
For instance, in Nos.103, and 108 he is introduced only by his
title Bhujabalamala. A
few more grandhiloquent titles attributed to him in various records are Bhuvanaikavira,
Tribhuvanaikavira and Mahabhujabala-chkra-varti.
to Fleet, Bijjalla II abdicated the throne in favour of his second and
favourite sonRayamurari Sovideva in 1167 A.D., which was his last
reignal year. But an
inscription from Muttigi (No.111) seems to indicate that, by the date of
the epigraph falling in 1165 A.D. July, Sovideva had assumed independent
charge of the kingdom. It
is not clear whether he was supported by his father in the move.
But it is now known that the mutual relations amount the sons of
Bijjala were never smooth and that they seem to have prepared to seize
the Kalachuri throne as their father’s reign was drawing to a close.
It is significant to note in this context that this inscription
extols the prowess of Sovideva and compliments him for securing the
kingdom by the edge of his word.
inscription from Muttigi 9No.115), dated 1170 A.D. in the reign of
Rayamurari Sovideva, incidentally furnishes interesting information
about one of his younger brothers.
This was Mailugi, also called Mallugi and Mallikarjuna, who
raised the standard of revolt about the end of Sovideva’s reign and
ruled simultaneously over a part of the Kalachrui kingdom in 1175-76
A.D. As I have shown elsewhere, he is already known from nine
inscriptions, three of
which directly refer to his rule.
In the present inscription we are told about Kesava-dandanayaka,
a trusted minister and general of the king, that at first he was in the
service of Mailugi whom he deserted on account of his treacherous
activities and subsequently joined the side of Sovideva.
Evidently, this must be an earlier attempt made by Mailugi before
1170 A.D. to usurp the throne about the beginning of the reign of his
elder brother Sovideva. This
inscription states that the king was residing at Modeganur.
epigraph from Talikoti (No.143) belongs to the reign of Ahavamalla and
cites Pallava as his third reignal year, corresponding to 1181 A.D.,
This means that he counted his reign from Vikari or 1179 A.D.
which falls in the early period of the reign of his senior
brother Sankam. Such
duplicate or paraller reigns are notices throughout the Kalachuri
period, which can be attributed either to the rivalry and struggle for
power or co-regency and division of responsibility among the claimants
for the throne. The former
assumption seems to be more probable.
inscription of Sankama from Managoli (No.133), dated June 27, 1178 A.D.,
states that the king was residing at Navile.
Another inscription of the king from Katgeri (No.134), dated July
31, 1178 A.D., shows that the king was ruling from Modeganur.
This place is mentioned as Modeganura-kuppa in some records, the
suffix kuppa in this expression denoting ‘locality’.
Fleet took the whole as a place name, but could not suggest its
identity (Bomb.Gaz., Vol.I, Part II, p.485).
Modeganur is modern Madinur, a village about four miles from
Koppal in the Raichur District. the identity is proved by an epigraph from Madinur itself,
edited by me in A Corpus of Inscriptions, etc., op.cit., No.11.
The inscription describes it also as Modeyanur, Modanur or
Moditagrama. The other
variants of the name noted elsewhere are Modenur and Muduganur.
It must have been a strong and well-fortified town of strategic
importance, since it figures along with Bellary, Uchchangi and Raichur
among the forts and cities conquered by Hoysala Vishnuvardhana in the
course of his triumphant northern expedition (Ep.Carn., Vol. IV,
Nagamangala 70;Vol. V, Belur 137 and 193, etc.).
According to an inscription from Gadag (No.140), Sankama’s
reign extended upto the end of 1184 A.D., which is unusual.
The last of the Kalachuri princes was Singhana who rules for a
short time in 1184 A.D. He must be identical with Simha-bhupala figuring
as a subordinate of Chalukya Somesvara IV in an inscription of the same
year from Minajigi (No.58).
dates are quoted by the epigraphs for the commencement of Bhillama’s
reign. On the evidence of a
limited number of records then accessible to him, Fleet noted 1187-88
A.D., or Plavanga as the first year of his reign (Bomb. Gaz., Vol.
I, Part II, p.518). No.145
from Hallur citing Kilaka as his third year pushes back his reign by one
year. But two inscriptions,
one from Muttigi (No.152) and another from Nimbal
(B. K. No.49 of 1937-38) show that he started his reign in
Visvavasu or 1185-86 A.D. The scene of the early activities of Bhillama,
it seems, was confined to the Bijapur District
and Devagiri became the capital of these rulers about 1192 A.D.
I have discussed these points in more details in my article on
the Methi inscription of Yadava Krishna (Ep. Ind., Vol. XXVIII,
over Jaitugi, we go to Singhana the earliest date of whose reign,
furnished by a Sudi inscription (No.154), is 1202 A.D. But Nos. 156-57
and others start it from 1200 A.D. No.177 yields 1197-98 A.D. as his
initial year. As I have
shown elsewhere (loc.cit.), there are other records which lead us to the
same conclusion that his regnal reckoning commenced from 1197 A.D. This
fact can be explained on the assumption that he was long associated with
the administration of the kingdom during the lifetime of his father
Jaitugi (ibid., p.317).
son and successor Krishna or Kannara also must have been endowed with
royal authority prior to the former’s demise in 1247 A.D. No.186 of
1248 A.D. from Hebli cites Kilaka as the third year of Kannara,
indicating thereby that his reign was counted from Parabhava or 1246-47
A.D. The next two rulers Mahadeva and Ramachandra are each represented
by a few records.