South
Indian Inscriptions, Volume 2
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Tamil
Inscriptions
INTRODUCTION
As it is intended
to write in the next volume of this series about the ancestors of Rajaraja I
and the Cholas generally, it is enough here to put together all that is known
about the life and reign of this king. The nature of the materials available to
us precludes any details about his private life. The personal history of a
sovereign who lived in the eleventh century and about whose times no
contemporary historian has left us any information must consist mainly of
surmises and inferences from the few facts that are known of his public life.
The original name of the
king was Rajarajakesarivarman or Rajakesarivarman Mummadisoradeva, which
occurs, in his earliest Tamil inscriptions. The Tiruvalangadu plates[1] call
him Arunmorivarman. This name, in the slightly altered form Arumorideva, occurs
also in some of the Tamil records of his reign. The composer of the
Tiruvalangadu plateâs remarks that at the birth of prince Arunmorivarman[2]
âthe wives of the serpent (Adisesha who is supposed to carry the earth on his
back) danced for joy in the belief that he would relieve their husband of the
burden of bearing the earth.â Rajakesarivarman Mummadisora was the second son
of the Chola king Parantaka II alias Sundra-Chola, who was also known as
Ponmaligaittunjinadeva[3]
âthe king who died at the Golden Hallâ (i.e., the temple Chidambaram).
According to the Tiruvalangadu plates, Sundara-Cholaâs queen Vanavanmahadevi is
stated to have committed suttee. Apparently the parents of Rajarajadeva
were spending their last days at Chidambaram as Saiva devotees. It was
evidently this aspect of their life that appealed most strongly to their
daughter who set up images to each of them in the Tanjore temple and made an
endowment for their worship (No. 6)
So far as we know
Rajarajadeva had an elder sister and an elder brother. The latter was called
Aditya-Karikala and all that is known of him is that he fought in his youth
with Vira-Pandya. In stone inscriptions he is known as âParakesarivarman, who
took the head of Vira-Pandya.â The name of Rajarajaâs elder sister was
Kundavaiyar. She had married a certain Vallavaraiyar Vandyadevar (Nos.2, 6, 7
and 8) about whom nothing more is known. It is evident that she spent her later
life in Tanjore with her younger brother and that she even survived him. We may
suppose that Rajarajadeva entertained a high regard for her and that she
exercised considerable influence over him and contributed in no small degree to
the formation of his character.
[4]
These were the surroundings under which the king was brought up. It will now be
necessary to briefly review the history of the Cholas of Tanjore for a proper
appreciation of the position, which Rajaraja occupies in South-Indian history. The
founder of the family was Vijayalaya who established Tanjore as the capital of
the dynasty. His son and successor, Aditya I conquered the Pallavas, and his
son ParantakaI was continually fighting against the Pandyas and kept them
effectually under control. Towards the end of his reign the Rashtrakutas under
Krishna III invaded the Tamil country, killed the Chola prince Rajaditya and
seized Tondai-nadu, which they seem to have ruled for about a quarter century. During
this period the Cholas had to confine themselves to their hereditary dominions
in the Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts. Aditya-Karikala appears to have
regained Tondai-Nadu, as inscriptions dated in his reign have been found in
Ukkal and other villages of that province. Apparently on his death or on the
death of his father â whichever was the later â the succession was disputed. The
subjects besought Arunmorivarman, i.e, Rajarajadeva to become king, but
he did not want the throne as long as his paternal uncle Madhurantaka
Uttama-Chola was fond of his country. Eventually Arumorivarman was appointed
heir-apparent while Madhurantaka âbore the burden of the earthâ. It looks as if
the former was a minor when his father or elder borther died.
It is not necessary to
give a detailed account to how the date of accession of Rajarajadeva has been
arrived at. Professor Kielhorn has examined a number of dates of the king with
astronomical details and has come to the conclusion that his accession took
place between the 25th June and 25th July 985 A.D.
Turning to the military
achievements of the king which are mentioned in thousands of his inscriptions
found over a large part of the Madras Presidency, we find that until the 8th
year of his reign = A.D. 994 he did not undertake any expedition. During this
period he was probably engaged in recruiting an efficient army and otherwise
preparing himself for the struggle, which he must have thought he should
undertake before the Chola power and prestige could be restored.
In his first campaign
the king is said to have destroyed a fleet in the port of Kandalur, which
appears to have been situated in the dominions of the Chera King. The
Tiruvalangadu plates, which furnish a lengthy account of Rajarajaâs campaigns,
do not mention this item at all. They begin with the war against the Pandyas
and report that Rajaraja seized the Pandya king Amarabhujanga and that the
Chola general captured the port of Virinam. Perhaps Kandalur or Kandalur-Salai
was near Virinam. It is not unlikely that the Chola king fought, on more than
one occasion, against the Pandyas. The Cheras and Pandyas appear to have been
allied together in their war against the Chola king, for in the Tanjore
inscriptions reference is frequently made to the conquest of the Chera king and
the Pandyas in Malai-nadu, i.e., the West Coast (Nos. 1, 59, 91, etc.). Kandalur-Salai,
which is stated to belong to the Chera king in later inscriptions, was probably
held by the Pandyas when it was attached by Rajaraja.
Before his 14th
year = A.D. 998-99, Rajarajadeva conquered Vengai-nadu, i.e., the
Eastern Chalukya territory, Gangapadi and Nurambapadi which formed part of the
present Mysore State, Tadigaipadi, the situation of which has not been made out
satisfactorily.[5]
According to Eastern Chalukya copper-plate grants, the kingdom of Vengi was
without a ruler about this time. The interregnum in the Vengi country, which
preceded the reign of Saktivarman, is said to have lasted 27 years. On a
previous occasion[6]
I pointed out that this interregnum probably came to an end in A.A. 999, when
the Cholas invaded Vengi. Accordingly it may be presumed that Rajaraja restored
order and peaceful government in Vengi by placing Saktivarman on the throne.
In the same period the
Chola king conquered Kudamalai-nadu. Professor Hultzsch has identified this
country with Coorg,[7]
and we have actually an inscription at the village of Malambi in Coorg[8]
which belongs to the time of Rajaraja I and mentions his general Pan
chavanmaraya. A place named Udagai is mentioned in connection with the conquest
of the Pandyas (p. 250, note 3). The Kalingattu-Parani refers to the
âstorming of Udagaiâ in the verse, which alludes to the reign of Rajaraja. The Kulottunga-Soran-ula
also mentions the burning of Udagai. This was probably an important stronghold
in the Pandya country, which the Chola king captured.[9] As the
Pandyas were the natural enemies of the Cholas, Rajaraja seems to have gloried
much in his victory over them. In the historical introductions of Tamil
inscriptions where the above conquests are recorded it is stated that he was
âalways depriving the Seriyas (i.e., Pandyas) of their splendour.â Having
already overcome the Chera king, probably while destroying the ships at
Kandalur or in the war against the Pandyas, Rajaraja assumed the title
Mummudi-Chola, i.e., âthe Chola king who wears three crowns, viz.,the Chera,
Chola and Pandya crowsâ which occurs first in an inscription of the 14th
year at Melpadi[10]
[11]in
the North Arcot district. After his future was to be very bright and imagined
that the goddess of the Great Earth had become his queen along with the goddess
of Prosperity. It is in inscriptions of the 8th year of the kingâs
reign that the usual historical introduction beginning with the words tirumagal,
which was evidently composed after the conquest of the Pandyas, occurs for the
first time. The Vikkirama-Soran-ula evidently refers to the reign of
Rajaraja when it mentions the conquest of Malai-nadu and the killing of 18
princes in retaliation of the insult offered to an envoy.[12] The Kulottunga-Soran-ula
also refers to the same Chola king who âcut off eighteen heads and set fire to
Udagai.â The conquest of Malai-nadu and the burning of Udagai refer evidently
to the reign of Rajarajadeva, but it does not appear when he cut the heads of
eighteen princes.
The king also subdued
Killam and Kalingam. Tiruvalangadu plates mention Rajarajaâs invasion against
the country created by Parasurama, who had taken a vow to destroy all the
Kshatriyas. This country is described as inaccessible on account of the
mountains and the ocean, which surrounded it. It is doubtful if the composer of
the Tiruvalangadu plates refers here to the conquest of Kollam or to the
subjugation of the 12,000 old islands of the sea mentioned in some of the
inscriptions of the 29th year of the kingâs reign. If it is neither,
there must have been an invasion of Malabar, which does not find a place in the
introduction of the Kingâs Tamil inscriptions.[13]
As regards the conquest
of Kalingam, it is not unlikely that this was effected by his son
Rajendra-Chola. The Tiruvalangadu plates mention the defeat of an Andhra king
named Bhima in describing the reign of Rajaraja. From the Ranastipundi grant we
know that Vimaladitya bore the surnames Mummadi-Bhima and Birudanka-Bhima.
Besides,[14]
two inscriptions[15]
on the Mahendragiri Hill in the Ganjam district which must have been included
in Kalinga, record that a general of the Chola king Rajendra-Chola defeated the
Kuluta chief Vimaladitya, captured the Mahendraparvata and caused a pillar of
victory to be set up on the hill. From these it may be concluded that Rajaraja
deputed his son Rajendra-Chola in his campaign against Kalinga. But the Chola
king had conquered Vengi already and, as I have surmised, placed Saktivarman on
the throne, thus bringing the interregnum to a close. It is therefore unlikely
that a member of Saktivarmanâs family rebelled immediately after and had to be
subdued. In the absence of evidence to the contrary I would suppose that the
conquest of Kalinga by Rajaraja was earlier than the war of Rajendra-Cholaâs
general with the Kuluta chief Vimaladitya and was intended to help Saktivarman
in consolidating his dominions after the interregnum. Some considerable time
after the accession of Saktivarman, there seems to have been fresh trouble in
the Kalinga country. The Tiruvalangadu plates tell us that the Andhra king had
killed a certain Rajaraja and his seems to have been the cause of the war. Who
this Rajaraja was we are not told. But he must be been some person in whom he
Cholas were interested. This I take to be the occasion when the pillar of
victory was set up on the Mahendragiri Hill. We find the Vengi king Vimaladitya
at Tiruvaiyaru near Tanjore about A.D. 1013 â 14 making gifts to the
Panchanadesvara temple[16]
Shortly before or after this date he must have married the Chola princess
Kundavai, daughter of Rajraja and sister of Rajendra-Chola.
Rajaraja must have
simultaneously directed his arms against Ceylon. The king is said to have
undertaken his expedition in order that âthe eight quarters might praise himâ. This
phrase occurs in the earlier inscriptions, but in later ones the personal
appearance of the Singhalese seems to receive an uncomplimentary remark (e.g.,
in Nos. 4 and 65). We have at Padaviya in Ceylon a Tamil inscription of the 27th
year of Rajarajadeva corresponding to A.D. 1011 â 12 A.D. Several villages in
Ceylong were granted by Rajaraja to the Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore and had
to remit their assessment to the temple in the shape of money, grain or iluppaipal
(No. 92). These facts show that the subjugation of the island by the Chola king
was complete[17].
According to the Mahavamsa (Chapter LV) Mahinda V ascended the throne in
A.A. 1001. The trouble in Ceylon began in A.D. 1012 when the king was unable to
maintain his army and all the men of Kerala in his service went up to the
palace and demanded their wages. Then the Mahavamsa describes events in Ceylon,
which took place in A.D. 1037. According to Tamil inscriptions these must have
happened about A.D. 1016. The Mahavamsa does not mention the invasion of
Ceylon during the reign of Rajaraja unless it be the expedition by
Vallabha-Chola during the reign of Mahinda IV (A.D. 975-991)[18].
Thus there is no doubt that there is some mistake in the Chronology of the Mahavamsa.
Then comes a period of three years in
the life of Rajarajadeva about which we get no information from his
inscriptions which are mainly concerned with his military exploits. This is the
interval between the 18th[19]
and the 21st years corresponding to A.D. 1002 and 1005 respectively.
It was evidently during this time that the king received the title Sri-Rajaraja,
which occurs first in inscriptions of the 19th year (= A.D. 1003). According
to the Kongude-sarajakkal the king made certain gifts to the Chidambaram
temple in Saka 926 = A.D. 1004. It is not impossible as will be show later on,
that the title Sri-Rajaraja was conferred on him by the temple authorities at
Chidambaram. Perhaps this was also the period when the king conceived the idea
of building the temple at Tanjore and made arrangements for the operations to
commence.
What the circumstances
were that led to the war with the Estern Chalukya Satyasraya we are nowhere
told. The Pallavas of Conjeevveram were constantly fighting with the Chalukyas
of Badami. The Western Chalukyas of Kalyani were desceuded from the latter and
the Cholas occupied Tondai-nadu, the Pallava territory. Besides this fact we
know of no cause, which could have brought about the war[20]. The
conquest of Gangapadi and Nurambapadi in the modern Mysore State must have
brought them into direct contact with the Western Chalukyas. Besides, the
rulers of these two conquered provinces were originally feudatories of the
Rashtrakutas, the political predecessors of the Western Chalukyas in the
Kanarese country. Both the Cholas and the Western Chalukyas were powerful land
strong and must have been looking for an opportunity to measure their
respective strength. Under these circumstances any slight cause would have been
enough to provoke a quarrel.
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The Victory over
Satyasraya is mentioned in the Tiruvalangadu and the large Leyden plates and in
one of the Tanjore inscriptions (No. 1). In the Tamil records of the king, the
conquest of the seven and a half lakshas of Rattapadi evidently refers
to the same event. It must have taken place towards the end of the 21st
(A.D. 1005) or beginning of the 22nd year (A.D. 1006), to judge from
the references to the events in Tamil records. We have an independent
confirmation of this expedition. According to the Hottur inscriptions of Satyasraya,
dated in A.D. 1007-08, the Chola king â here called Nurmadi-Chola and named
Rajendra â having collected a force numbering nine hundred thousand had
pillaged the whole country, had slaughtered the women, the children and the
Brahmans, and, taking the girls to wife, had destroyed their caste.[21]
The Western Chalukya king claims to have put the Chola to flight and acquired
great stores of wealth and vehicles. The Chola king evidently attached much
importance to his victory over Satyasraya, as he is said to have presented gold
flowers to the Rajarajesvara temple on his return from the expedition.
The next period in the
life of the king, viz., the 23rd to the 29th year, was
not characterized by any military exploits. The Chola dominions probably
enjoyed peace and the king apparently devoted his energies to the task of
internal administration. The building of the Rajarajesvara temple in Tanjore
and the multifarious endowments and gifts to it must have occupied a prominent
place in the kingâs mind during these years.
We have reason to
suppose that the king also carried out a revenue survey and settlement during
the period.[22]
The Tanjore inscriptions published in Part I of this volume bear ample
testimony to the accuracy of the operations conducted by the king. Land as small
in extent as 1/52,428,800,000 of a veli was measured and assessed to
revenue. An inscription at Tiruvisalur in the Tanjore district, dated in the 24th
year of Rajaraja[23],
refers to a revenue survey apparently carried out some time before the date of
the inscription. The officer of Rajaraja who took an active part kin the survey
operations were perhaps the general (senapali) Kuravau Ulagalandau alias
Rajaraja-maharajan mentioned frequently in No. 95 below. His title Ulagalandan,
âone who measured the earthâ, might have been given to him in recognition of
his services in connection with the survey operations. It was apparently as a
result of this survey and settlement that the king issued his order dated the
124th day of the 24th year to the following effect[24]
: -
âThe land of those
landholders in villages of Brahmanas, in villages of Vaikhanasas and in villages
of Sramanas (i.e., Jainas), in Sonadu, in the adjacent district included
in Sonadu, in Tondai-nadu, and in Pandi-nadu alias Rajaraja-valanadu,
who have not paid on the land owned by them, the taxes due from villages, along
with the other inhabitants of those villages, for three years (of which two are
completed between the 16th and the 23rd years (of my
reign) shall become the property of the village and shall be liable to be sold
by the inhabitants of these villages to the exclusion of the (defaulting) landholders.
Also (the land of) those who have not paid the taxes due from villages for
three years (of which), two are completed, from the 24th year (of my
reign) shall be liable to be sold by the inhabitants of those villages to the
exclusion of the defaulting) landholders.â This order of the king was written
by the royal Secretary Rajakesarinallur-Kiravau and having been approved by the
Chief Secretary Mummadi-Sora-Brabmamarayau and by Mummadi-Sora-Posau, was
engraved by order on the 143rd day of the 24th year. The
29th was apparently the last year of Rajarajaâs reign. Even then his
warlike spirit does not seem to have abated; for, in that year an expedition
was dispatched against the twelve thousand islands.[25] Which group
in the Indian Ocean was denoted by this name I am at present unable to decide.
Rajaraja bore several
titles of which the following are the more important: â Mummadi or
Mummudi-Chola, Chola-Arumori, Rajasraya, Nityavinoda, Sri-Rajaraja and
Sivapadasekhara. He seems to have assumed the title Jayangonda-Chola towards
the end of his life. These titles of his, figure in territorial designations
occurring in the Tanjore inscriptions and one is tempted to think that in the
names Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, Pandyakulasani-valanadu, Keralantaka-valanadu,
Rajendrasimha-Valanadu and Uyyakkondar[26] were titles
of Rajaraja.
Rajaraja indulged in a
pretty large number of wives. Lokamahadevi,[27]
Cholamahadevi, Trailokyamahadevi, Panchavanmahadevi, Abhimanavalli,
Iladamadeviyar (Latamahadevi) and Prithivimahadevi are known from the Tanjore
inscriptions[28].
Each of them set up a number of images in the Rajarajesvara temple and
made gifts to them. Lokamahadevi was probably the chief queen. She built the
shrine called Uttara-Kailasa in the Panchanadesvara temple at Tiruvaiyaru near
Tanjore and made many valuable gifts to it. The shrine was in existence already
in the 21st year of the kingâs reign and was then called
Lokamahadevisvara after the queen[29].
Only one son and one daughter of the king are known, viz.,
Rajendra-Chola I, whose accession took place one year before the death of
Rajaraja, and Kundava or Kundavai, who married the Eastern Chalukya king
Vimaladitya.[30]
The respect which Rajaraja showed to his elder sister Kundavi throws an
indirect light of his domestic life. She is spoken us âthe venerable elder
sister.â In the sentence, which the king himself is said to have uttered when
ordering all the grants made to the temple to be engraved on stone, the place
assigned to his elder sister is next to himself and the queens are mentioned
after her (No. 1). During Rajarajaâs reign the walls of the central shrine seem
to have been reserved for registering the kingâs grants. The gifts made by the
queens and the Officers of State had to be recorded on the niches and pillars
of the enclosure. But Kundavaiâs gifts were invariably engraved on the central
shrine.
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That
part of Rajarajaâs intellectual nature to which students of South-Indian
history owe most is the desire on his part to record his military achievements
in every one of his inscriptions and thus had down to posterity some of the
important events of his life. As far as we know at present Rajarajadeva was the
first king of Southern India to introduce this innovation into his
inscriptions. Before his time powerful kings of the Pallava, Pandya and Chola
dynasties had reigned in the South, and some of them had made extensive
conquests. But none of them seems to have thought of leaving a record on stone
of his military achievements. For instance, we have many stone inscriptions in
Southern India of the Chola king Parantaka I, whose extensive conquests are
well known. Of these the stone inscriptions refer only to the conquests of
Madura. Even this item of information would probably be missing had it not been
for the fact that the king bore the name of his grand father Parakesarivarman,
and it was consequently necessary to add the epithet âconquerer of Maduraâ in
order to avoid confusion. The idea of Rajarajadeva to add a short account of
his military achievements at the beginning of every one of his inscriptions was
entirely his own. His action in this respect is all the more laudable because
his successors evidently followed his example and have left us more or less
complete records of their conquests. But for the historical introductions,
which are often found at the beginning of the Tamil inscriptions of Chola,
kings the lithic records of the Tamil country would be of very little value,
and consequently even the little advance that has been made in elucidating the
history of Southern India would have been well nigh impossible. Early Tamil
records are dated not in the Saka or any other well-known era but in the regnal
year of the king to whose time the gants belong, and palaeography is not always
a very safe guide in South-Indian history. With the help of the names of
contemporary kings of other dynasties mentioned in the historical introductions
of the Tamil inscriptions, it has been possible to fix the approximate dates of
most of the Chola kings. Consequently, the service, which Rajarajadeva has
rendered to epigraphists in introducing a brief account of his military
achievements at the beginning of his stone inscriptions, cannot be
overestimated. The historical side of the kingâs intellectual nature is further
manifested in the order, which he issued to have all the grants made to the
Rajarajesvara temple engraved on stone. That this order of the king was not due
entirely to self-glorification is borne out by other records. For instance, an
inscription of his reign found at Tirumalavadi in the Trichinopoly district[31]
records an order of the king to the effect that the central shrine of the
Vaidyanatha temple at the place should be rebuilt and that, before pulling down
the walls, the inscriptions engraved on them should be copied in a book. The
records were subsequently re-engraved on the walls from the book after the
rebuilding was finished.
The prominence given to
the army from the conquest of the Pandyas down to the last year of the kingâs
reign is significant, and shows the spirit with which he treated his soldiers. Evidently
Rajarajadeva gave his army its due share in the glory derived from his
extensive conquests. It was evidently this same army that was called âthe great
warlike armyâ during the reign of his successor Rajendra-Chola I. The following
regiments[32]
are mentioned in the Tanjore inscriptions: -
1.
Perundanattu Anaiyatkal.
2.
Pandita-Sore-Terinda-villigal.
3.
Uttama-Sora-terinda-Andalagattalar.
4.
Nigarili-Sora-terinda-Udanilai-Kudiraichchevagar.
5.
Mummadi-Sora-terinda-Anaippagar.
6.
Vira-Sora-Anukkar.
7.
Parantaka-Kongavalar.
8.
Mummadi-Sora-terinda-parivarattar.
9.
Keralantaka-terinda-parivarattar.
10. Mulaparivara-vitteru alias Jananatha-terinda-parivarattar.
11. Singalantaka-terinda-parivarattar.
12. Sirudanattu Vadugakkalavar.
13. Valangai-Parambadaigalilar.
14. Perundanattu-Valangai-Velaikkarappadaigal.
15. Sirudanattu-Valangai-Velaikkarappadaigal.
16. Aragiya-Sora-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
17. Aridurgalanghana-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
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18. Chandaparakrama-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
19. Ilaiya-Rajaraja-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
20. Kshatriyasikhamani-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
21. Murtavikramabharana-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
22. Nittavinoda-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
23. Rajakanthirava-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
24. Rajaraja-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar
25. Rajavinoda-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
26. Ranamukha-Bhima-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
27. Vikramabharana-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
28. Keralantaka-vasal-tirumeykappar.
29. Anukka-vasal-tirumeykappar.
30. Parivarameykappargal.
31. Palavagai-Parampadaigalilar.
In most of the foregoing
names the first portion, viz.,: Pandita-Sora, Uttama-Sora, Nigarili-Sora,
Mummadi-Sora, Vira-Sora, Keralantaka, Jananatha, Singalantaka, Aragiya-Sora,
Aridurgalanghana, Chandaparakrama,[33]
Kshatriyasikhamani, Murtavikramabharana, Nittavinoda, Rajakanthirava, Rajaraja,
Rajavinoda, Ranamukha-Bhima and Vikramabharana appear to be the surnames or
titles of the king himself or of his son. That these regiments should have been
called after the king or his son shows the attachment, which the Chola king
bore towards his army. It may not be unreasonable to suppose that these royal
names were pre-fixed to the designations of these regiments after they had
distinguished themselves in some engagement or other. It is worthy of note that
there are elephant troops, cavalry and foot soldiers among these regiments. Thirteen
of the above mentioned regiments belonged to the Valangai-Velaikkara-ppadaigal,
i.e. the Velaikkara troops of the right hand. It is difficult to
determine if this designation is based on the distinction between the right
hand and left hand castes of Southern India. No mention of any left hand troops
of this class is made in the Tanjore inscriptions though their existence may prima
facie be assumed. At any rate the origin of the term is obscure and must be
left to future research. The Velakkara troops are frequently mentioned in the Mahavamsa.
The term velakkara is explained by Mr. L. A. Wijesinha as âa body of
mercenary troops employed by the Singalese.â They figure in the history of
Ceylon towards the close of the 11th century A.D. during the reign
of Vijayabahu (A.D. 1065 to 1120). They were dispatched on an expedition
against the Chola country but refused to proceed and rebelled. Eventually they
were subdued by the Singhalese king. This mention does not throw much light
either on the origin or on their history in the Chola country at the beginning
of the 11th century. It is possible they were no mercenaries in the
Chola country but regular soldiers. If a conjecture may be offered, I would say
they were perhaps volunteers who enlisted when the occasion (velai) for
their services arose[34].
In later times when their services were not required in the Tamil country they
probably migrated into Ceylon during the period of iterregnum when there were
frequent Chola invasions against the island. Eventually they probably developed
into mercenaries. It is interesting to note that eighteen of the musicians of
the Rajarajesvara temple belonged originally to one or other of the foregoing
regiments and no less than twelve of them were from the Velaikkara troops. Each
of these twelve musicians got seventy-five kalam of paddy for his
service in the temple. To some of these regiments, the management of certain minor
shrines of the temple was entrusted and they were expected to provide for the
requirements of the shrine. Others among them took money from the temple on
interest, which they agreed to pay in cash. We are not, however, told to what
productive purpose they applied this money. At any rate all these transactions
show that the king created in them an interest in the temple built by himself.
Among the officers of
Rajaraja two generals are referred to in the Tanjore inscriptions, viz.
â Kuravan Ulagalandan alias Rajaraja-Maharajan and Krishnan-Raman alias
Mummadi-Sora-Brahmamarayan. The latter was the Chief Secretary (Olai-ndyagan
or Tirumandiravolai-nayagan) from the 21st to the 24th
year of the kingâs reign. Another such Secretary (Tirumandiravolai) was
Karayil Eduttapadam, the headman of Rajakesarinallur. Amudan Tirttakarau, the
headman of Vilattur, who drafted the Anaimangalam grant recorded in the large
Leyden plates was also another Secretary; Irayiravan Pallavayan alias
Mummadi-Sora-Posan must also have belonged to the secretariat staff as he
signed both the Anaimangalam grant and the Ukkal inscription relating to
revenue settlement. All of the above mentioned officers figure in the Tanjore
inscriptions as donors. Krishnan-Raman built at least two of the enclosing
verandahs of the temple. Another officer who belonged to the secretariat was
Velau Uttama-Soran alias Madurantaka Muvendavelan who figures among the
signatories to the original order of the king in the Anaimangalam charter. Other
officers are also mentioned in the large Leyden plates viz.,: â Five
persons who are described as Karumamarayum, i.e, âthose who look after
(the kingâs) affairs. They were probably the kingâs executive officers. Four others
who must have been Brahmanas are described as naduvirukkum âthose who
are in the middle.â These were perhaps arbitrators or judges. Two other
officers are also mentioned, viz.,puravuvari and varippottagam.
The former was apparently the office dealing with taxes due from revenue-free
villages and the latter with the rent-roll of the Chola dominions. Another
important officer of the king was the magistrate (adhikarin)
Udayadivakaran Tillaiyali alias Rajaraja-Muvendavelan of Kanchivayil who
figures both in the large Leyden plates and in the Tanjore inscriptions. Still
another important person was the temple manager Adittan Suryan alias
Tennavan Muvendavelar, who was the headman of Poygai-nadu. He set up images of
some of the sixty-three Saiva devotees in the temple and made gifts to them. The
king seems to have conferred the title Perundaram on the most important
officers and men of note in his dominions. The title Perundaram is prefixed to
Sirudanattu-panimakkal, i.e., âthe servants of the Sirudanamâ[35]
which seems to denote a class of officers. Perhaps the term was used to denote
subordinate officials. One of the officers is described as
Sirudanattu-Perundaram. He probably belonged to the class of subordinate
officials but received the title Perundaram.
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The study of Rajarajaâs
inscriptions leaves on us the impression that he must have been an active man[36]
and that he was probably successful in realizing some of the highest aims of his
life. Like most men who devote a considerable portion of their earlier years in
the active pursuit of cherished earthly aims, this Chola king spent the later
portion of his life in works of devotion. The Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore,
which has evidently served as a model for a large number of other temples in
Southern India, is a stupendous monument of the religious instinct of this
sovereign. The enormous endowments in lands and gold made to the temple show
that the king had one sole object in his later life, viz., to leave no
want of the temple unsupplied. Almost all the booty he acquired in wars he gave
away to the temple. Utensils required for temple services; ornaments for the
various images set up in the temple; villages for supplying the temple with the
requisite amount of paddy â money for purchasing the various articles for
temple use not omitting even camphor, cardamom seeds, champaka-buds and khaskhas-roots
required for scenting the bathing water of the gods (No. 24) â sheep, cows and
buffaloes for supplying the ghee required for lamps; skilled musicians for
singing the Devaram hymns; dancing girls; Brahmana servants for doing
the menial work in the temple; accountants for writing the temple accounts; and
temple treasurers, goldsmiths, carpenters, washermen, barbers, astrologers and
watchmen were provided on a most liberal scale.[37] The
systematic way in which the various endowments to the temple were made and the
principles laid down for their proper administration be speak a genius for
organization which could not have been quite a characteristic feature of kings
in general at the time. In spite of his sincere and deep-seated devotion to the
Saiva faith he was tolerant enough towards other religions. He permitted a
feudatory of his to build a Buddhist shrine at Negapatam and granted the
village of Anaimangalam to it. This grant is registered on the large Leyden
plates. In his order of the 24th year regarding revenue arrears, the
villages of Sramanas (i.e. Jainas) are also included. This shows that
the latter enjoyed equal privileges with Brahmanas and Vaikhanasas.
The extent of Tanjore
city during the reign of Rajaraja may be judged from the large number of
big-streets, quarters and bazaars mentioned in its inscriptions. The town
proper as in the case of the large cities of the present day was not confined
to the traditionary old limits (ullalai) but extended far beyond (purambali).
The following street, bazaars and quarters of which several were named after
the king or the princes of the family are mentioned (Nos. 94 and 95): -
(1) Abhimanabhushana-terinda-velam.
(2) Anai-atkal-teru.
(3) Anaikkaduvar-teru.
(4) Arumorideva-terinda-tirupparigalattar-velam.
(5) Brahmakuttam.
(6) Gandharva-teru
(7) Jayangondasorapperunderu.
(8) Kongavalar-angadi
(9) Madaippalli-teru.
(10) Pandi-velam.
(11)
Panmaiyar-teru.
(12) Panchavanmadeviyar-velam alias
Kaidavakaidava . . . . . . velam.
(13) Rajaraja-Brahmamaharajau-angadi.
(14) Rajaraja-terinda-Pandi-tirumanjanattar-velam.
(15)
Rajavidyadharapperunderu.
(16) Raudramahakalattu-madaivilagam.
(17) Saliyatteru.
(18) Sivadasansolai alias
Rajaraja-Brahmamaharajan-padaividu.
(19) Surasikhamanikpperunderu.
(20) Tribhuvanamahadevipperangadi.
(21) Uttamasiliyar-velam.
(22) Uyyakkondan-terinda-tirumanjanattar-velam.
(23)
Vanavanmadevipperunder.
(24)
Villigal-teru.
(25)
Virasorapperunderu.
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The exact date of the
building of the Tanjore temple is a question that deserves some attention. Stone
temples were apparently not quite common in the time of Rajaraja. This is shown
by the use of the word tirukkarrali, i.e. âthe stone templeâ in the
order of the king to have all the gifts engraved on stone. The difficulties
also of procuring stones for such a big building must have been very great,
particularly as there was no hill in or very near Tanjore, which could have
supplied the requisite quantity. Such a monument as the Tanjore temple would
take several years to build even with all the inventions of modern engineering.
But at the time of which we are speaking mechanical appliances must have been
in a primitive state and hence the time taken to finish the building must have
been much longer. Therefore we shall only try to fix when the building was
probably begun and when it came to a close. We have some reason to suppose that
the period between the 18th and 21st year of the kingâs
reign was not occupied with any wars.; This was probably the time when the
titles Sri-Rajaraja and Sivapadasekhara were conferred on him as suggested
already. The name Sri-Rajaraja occurs first in an inscription of the 19th
year of his reign. If, as is not unlikely, the name Sri-Rajarajesvara was given
to the temple in order to perpetuate the biruda Sri-Rajaraja the king
could not have conceived the idea of constructing the temple before the 19th
year. The temple must have existed in some from or other in the 21st
â 22nd year (= A.D. 1005 â 1006); because it was during this year
that the kingâs expedition against Satyasraya was undertaken, and on his return
from this conquest Rajaraja is said to have presented some gold flowers to the
temple. The whole structure, however, could not have been ready by that time. A
very large number of gifts are stated to have been made between the 23rd
and 29th years. The 23rd year was probably chosen because
the building of the temple had in that year reached an advanced stage. Thus it
appears that the construction of the temple began in the 19th year
and that a considerable portion of it was completed by the 23rd
year. On the 275th day of the 25th year the king
presented a copper-pot to be placed on the pinnacle of the central shrine. We
may conclude from this time; for, so far as the central shrine was concerned,
the fixing of the copper-pot on the pinnacle would have been the last thing to
be done.
A considerable part of
the enclosure of the temple was, by order of the king, built by a Brahmana
named Krishnan Raman who was a military officer. This fact is engraved twice on
the south enclosure and once on the west enclosure. From this repetition we may
conclude that these two enclosures were built at different times by the kingâs
general. There is no such inscription on any part of the north or east
enclosure, and it is not impossible that they were built by the king himself. The
gopura of the east enclosure and the Chandesvara shrine must have been
built before the conquest of the 12,000 islands by the king in the 29th
year of his reign.[38]
The circumstances, which
led to the building of the Sri-Rajarajesvara temple, may now be examined. In
the Devaram hymns, the Tiruvisaippa and the Periyapuranam,
the first place among Saiva shrines is assigned to the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram,
which is designated koyil, i.e., âthe templeâ. The name Adavallan âone
who is able to danceâ which was given o one of the chief images[39]
in the Rajarajesvara temple is derived from that of the deity in the temple at
Chidambaram and shows the importance attached to that temple during the time of
which we are now speaking. From two of the Tanjore inscriptions (Nos. 65 and
66) it is evident that the names of the god as well as of the temple at
Chidambaram and their various synonyms were very commonly borne by men and
women during the time of Rajaraja.
Reference has already
been made to the titles Sri-Rajaraja and Sivapadasekhara. The second, which
means âone (who has) the feet of Siva as (his) crestâ is a distinctly religious
designation. Rajaraja being one of the names of Kubera, the Hindu god of wealth
and a friend of Siva, the title Sri-Rajaraja, âthe glorious Kuberaâ must have
been conferred on him on account of his munificence. As it appears that both of
these titles were conferred at one and the same time, it may be supposed that
the king owed them to the authorities of the Chidambaram temple. Rajarajaâs
great grandfather Parantaka I. Had distinguished himself by his devotion to
that temple. He had either built or at least repaired the golden hall at the place.
It was, therefore, quite natural that Rajaraja should try to imitate his famous
ancestor in his devotion to the most important Siva temple in Southern India. Practical
as he appears to have been in everything he did, the king was not forgetful of
his capital Tanjore when he wanted to demonstrate his devotion to the Saiva
religion, land accordingly built a temple there. In order to perpetuate the
title Sri-Rajaraja, which he must have prized highly,[40] the temple
was called Sri-Rajarajesvara.
A study of the order in
which the various inscriptions of the temple were engraved is not altogether
unprofitable. It appears that the walls of the central shrine were reserved for
recording royal gifts, including those of the kingâs elder sister about whom
more will be s aid in the sequel. The inscription on the north wall (No. 1)
which begins with the Sanskrit verse (etat visva-nripa-sreni, etc.) was
the first to be engraved and contains the order of Rajarajadeva to have all the
grants made by himself and others recorded on the walls of the central shrine. This
order of the king is dated on the 20th day of the 26th
year. The gifts, which had actually been made prior to this date, were, seven
by the king himself and eleven by his elder sister as registered in No. 2. No earlier benefactions of any of the queens
or other donors are known prior to his date. Accordingly when he king issued
orders that the gifts made âby us, those made by our elder sister, those made
by our wives and those made by other donorsâ should be engraved on stone, he
himself intended to make in addition a large number of presents and expected
that his queens and his officers would follow his example. Thus he order of the
king referred more to future benefactions than to those which had actually been
made prior to the date of the royal order. The earliest gift of which the date
is definitely given is that of the copper-pot which was to be placed on the
pinnacle of the central shrine. Though it was made on the 275th day
of the 25th year, it is by mistake registered between a gift of the
34th day of the 26th year and another of the 104th
day of the same year. Some at least of the numerous gifts, which, in this
inscription, are stated, to have been made in the period from the 23rd
to the 29th year of the kingâs reign may evidently have been
anterior even to the date given at the beginning of the record. No. 2 likewise
begins with the 310th day of the 25th year and registers
gifts made by the elder sister of the king in that year and between the years
25 and 29. It is apparent from this that no grants made could have been
recorded on the temple walls prior to the 29th year of the king. This
is also confirmed by the fact that all the inscriptions of Rajaraja in the
Tanjore temple are either dated in the 29th year of the king or register
gifts made until his 29th year.
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One of the earliest
inscriptions of Rajendra-Chola found in the temple is on the Chandesvara shrine
quite close to the north wall. During the times of Rajendradeva, Kulottunga I
and Vikrama-Chola, the north wall of the enclosure was chosen for recording
grants. From these facts it may be concluded that the north wall was the most
conspicuous portion of the temple. The gate on the north wall of the enclosure
which is now practically closed must in ancient times have been considered as
important as the gopura on the east side. It is not unlikely that the
royal palace was situated to the north of the temple,[41] and that
the members of the royal family entered the temple by the north gate. At any
rate, the foregoing facts show that the gate in the north wall of the enclosure
was in ancient times as important as the gopura on the east wall, which
is now most commonly used.
A few words about the
importance of the Tanjore inscriptions for the history of Tamil philology may
not be out of place here. In the first place the rules of sandhi are not
uniformly observed. We have ney amudu, arakku aya, kari amudu, paruppu
amudu, urakku aga, uri aga and para arisi. Forms like narkkaranju,
narppattu are not uncommon. The three forms nari uri, nariyur and naduri
occur; also tingadorum and tingattiruvira. These forms show that
the rules were not unknown. Perhaps they were not commonly used in the popular
dialect. The indiscriminate use of the two forms of dental n is also
worthy of note munrinal, padinarinal, irandinal, ainjinal, arinal, ettinal and
pattinal. The addition of y after words ending in e and ai
is common. Its use in the middle of a word occurs in tirukkaiykkarai,
aiyngaranju, vaiyttu and other words.
The use of the word kadara
as a principal verb is common in monumental Tamil and occurs also in the
Tanjore inscriptions. In modern Tamil it is only an auxiliary verb. The history
of this word is analogous to that of the English ought. The word arivu[42]
appears to have narrowed in its meaning. It occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions
in the sense of âexpenditureâ while its modern meaning is âwasteâ. The
termination al in the word pattinal of the sentence is used in
the sense of the dative case, though al is only in instrumental
termination. According to the Tamil grammar Nannul, the instrumental
termination al is in rare cases used in the sense of torum and
quotes the example ural ora koyil. This use of the termination al
is very common in the Tanjore inscriptions. In the phrase al is used practically
as a locative termination. Again comparing the phrases and both of which occur
in the Tanjore inscriptions, we have to conclude that vay is practically
a dative termination though it is generally treated as a locative ending. Phrases
like show that the locative was often used for the genitive. The use of the
words tirumeni and pratima, which are almost synonymous, is
interesting. The former is used with reference to an image of a god while the
word pratima denotes âan image of a human beingâ. The word polisai
or polisaiyuttu, which occurs in the sense of âinterestâ, is not quite
common in modern Tamil. The word is however current in Malayalam. In modern
Tamil it means, âInterest on grain lent for the seasonâ. Here, too, there has
been a decided change in the meaning of the word. The Sanskrit phrase chandradityavat
becomes chandradityaval in the first instance and then the final
l becomes r according to a rule of Tamil grammar. This change of t
into l is more frequent in Malayalam than Tamil. The Tamil words tarpuruda
(Sanskrit tatpurusha) and tarsama (Sanskrit tatsama) are
evidently formed on the same principle.
The rule of changing
l and r is also applied in the case of a Tamil word ending in the
consonant l combining with a purely Sanskrit word. Thus we have. The
Sanskrit padma is always written patma in the Tanjore
inscriptions; and the word anyadesa occurs in the form anadesa,
while ratna is sometimes written ranna. The hard consonant is
used for the soft in Bhrimkisa, ardhachantra,[43]
Limkapuranadeva and Patanchalideva. In Trailokhyamahadeviyar.
The use of the word akkun for akkai deserves to be noted. Tammai
is used for tam-ammai and tamappan for âfatherâ. The latter
occurs also in an earlier inscription at Sorapuram near Vellore.[44]
The use of finite verbs (vilakkirru and kattirru) as verbal nouns
is not uncommon in modern Tamil (p. 208). The vulgar forms and are worthy of
note. Is used for twice (pp. 78 and
85). The form occurs several times for or. For the modern Tamil the Tanjore
inscriptions invariably use the form, which occurs also in the Ambasamudram
Vatteruttu inscription of Varaguna-Pandya.[45] Note also
the use of for
The art of making ornaments
of gold and precious stones must have reached a very advanced stage in the
Chola country about the beginning of the 11th century A.D. A large
number of ornaments, which are mentioned in the Tanjore inscriptions, either go
by other names at present or have no representatives in modern South-Indian
jewel shops.[46]
The nine gems are mentioned in one of the inscriptions (No. 93). Their names
are: diamond[47]
(vayiram), sapphire (nilam), peral (muttu), topaz (pushyaraga),
cinnamon-stone (komedagam), coral (pavaram), emerald (pachchai
or maratagam), lapis lazuli (vaidurya) and ruby (manikkam).
Four rings on each of which the foregoing nine jewels had been set wee
presented to the temple. The amount of gold, jewels and silver granted by the
king is almost incredible. Several of the Tanjore inscriptions contain lists of
gold ornaments set with pearls and other precious stones. The different parts
of the ornaments are described in technical language and the number of jewels
set on each, their total weight excluding threads and lac and the approximate
cost of each ornament are registered in great detail.
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