The Indian Analyst

North Indian Inscriptions







List of Plates



Inscriptions of the Chandellas of Jejakabhukti

An Inscription of the Dynasty of Vijayapala

Inscriptions of the Yajvapalas of Narwar



Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27





Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India



stroke of the mātrā, as in virōdhi, l. 2. The characters generally exhibit a distinct slanting curve at their right hand bottom.

The aksharas were well written, but their incision betrays carelessness on the part of the engraver, who, besides leaving some redundant strokes, is prone to make superfluous additions and omissions deforming their shapes, as we find in the Sēmrā grant of Paramardin.1 Instances of this sort of slovenliness are pointed out in the text or the foot-notes appended to it.

The language is Sanskrit, which is generally correct ; and except for one verse in the beginning and two imprecatory verses in the concluding portion, the records is all in prose, being almost a copy of the preceding grant so far as the initial portion is concerned, the change being observed only in the formal portion. As regards orthography, (l) b, as usual, is denoted by the sign for v, cf. vādhā, l.17 ; (2) the dental and the palatal sibilants are often confounded with each other even in very common words like paśu written with the dental and kusuma with the palatal in lines 14 and 15 respectively ; (3) a class-consonant following r is not unoften doubled, e.g., in parṇṇa-, l.16, and sometimes this sort of reduplication is also noted when the consonant precedes r, e.g., in tattra, l. 2 ; (4) the sign of anusvāra is used more often than the sign of the nasal ; (5) the influence of the local element is noticed in the spelling of Jāmadagnya written as Yāmadagnya in l. 12 ; and lastly, (6) the use of the pṛishṭha-mātrā, which is in some instances as put as to be confounded with a daṇḍa and vice versa.


It is a royal charter recording the donation of land by the illustrious king Trailōkyavarman, who is endowed with the usual royal titles and is also stated to be the sole lord of Kālañjara and belonging to the Chandēlla house. The initial portion mentions the genealogy of the king in the same way as the Garrā plates. The formal part of the present record begins in l. 7 stating that the king granted, from his encampment at Ṭiharī, the village Maṇḍāüra included in the vishaya (territorial division) of Vaḍavāri in the “administrative or territorial unit” in Sihaḍoṇi”.2 The donee was a Brāhmaṇa named Kulēśarman, who had hailed from Rawkōra and was a son of Nāyaka Gayādhara, a grandson of Rāüta Sīhaḍa and a great-grandson of Rāüta Naugrahaṇa (?).3 He belonged to the Vatsa gōtra, with five Pravaras, viz., Vatsa, Bhārgava, Chyavana, Aurvva and Jāmadagnya, and was a student of the Vājasanēya śākhā.

The inscription is dated in II. 10-12, in the year 1264 (expressed both in figures and words), on the second tithi of the dark half of the month of Bhādrapada, on Śukradina, or Friday. The year must of course be taken as belonging to the Vikrama era, and, as has been calculated by Katare, the details of the date regularly correspond to 29th August, 1208 A.C.4

Lines 14-18 contain the usual admonitions to give to the donee whatever might be due to him and not to obstruct him enjoying the gift; and with two customary benedictory and imprecatory verses followed by the sign-manual of the king Trailōkyavarman in ll. 18-19, the record comes to a close.

While dealing with the Garrā grants of 1205 A.C. we have seen that immediately after his accession Trailōkyavarman consolidated his strength, and driving away that Muslim forces from the region, he succeeded in regaining his ancestral kingdom some time before that date. The present grant, which was issued about three years subsequently, goes to indicate that in 1208 he was again in the same region in which line the place of his camp mentioned in the present inscription, viz., Siyaḍōṇi, which is only about 50 kms. due north-west of Vaḍavāri where he
1 Above, No.126.
2 It is difficult to reconcile the mention of Sihaḍōṇi-sainyē, l. 7, with Ṭiharī-samāvāsē in l. 10. While editing the inscription, Dr. Katare is inclined to hold that “the announcement of the grant was made at the Sihaḍoṇi military camp (sainyē), and the king, when he actually issued it, was residing at Tehri”. Dr. D. C. Sircar, while publishing Katare’s article, observed that ‘The Language of the record shows that Sihaḍauṇi was the name of an administrative or territorial unit in which the gift land was situated” (op. cit., p. 71, n. 4). But we find the vishaya actually mentioned in l. 7 as Vaḍavāri, and Dr. Sircar appears to have ignored it. It appears to me, however, that the grant was issued when the king was residing at Ṭehri and his forces were encamped at Siyaḍōṇi which is not far off from the camp, being distance from the scene of the battle, though not far from it.
3.As we have so often remarked, this is another example to show how the surnames were subject to change with generations.
4. Katare, op. cit., p. 71.

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