Topics covered |
Art |
ASEAN |
Constitution |
Defence |
Democracy |
Economy |
Education |
Environment |
Feature |
Foreign Affairs |
Health |
Heritage |
Human Rights |
Indian Bureaucracy |
India-Pakistan |
India-US Relations |
Jammu and Kashmir |
Nagaland |
Nuclear |
Politics |
Population |
Poverty |
Religion |
Science & Technology |
Terrorism |
Tourism |
UN and India |
Women |
ISSUES COVERED |
Links |
Academia |
Embassies |
Government |
NGOs |
Inscriptions
|
Referenced Articles |
1.
Born in
a caste, Editorial, The Hindustan Times, Jan 17, 2001
2.
Purusha
Suktam, Rig Veda 10.90-10.129
3.
Dalits
Through The Looking Glass, Sandhya Jain, Pioneer, Aug 27, 2001
4.
Discuss
Caste At Durban, Bharat Jhunjhunwala, Pioneer, Aug 20, 2001
5.
Digvijay’s Dalit Gambit, Yogesh Vajpeyi, Indian Express, Jan 14, 2002
6.
Review
Commission imbroglio – I, V. R. Krishna Iyer, The Hindu, April 10, 2000
7.
India's
Apartheid, Rajeev Dhavan, Hindu, Aug 23, 2001
8.
The
state of the Republic, Hiranmay Karlekar, Pioneer, Jan 25, 2001
9.
Linking
Trade To Human Rights, Sakuntala Narasimhan, Deccan Herald, Nov 18, 2004
10.
Quotas
And Benefits, P. V. Indiresan, Hindu, Feb 02, 2002
11.
Caste
And The Durban Conference, Editorial, The Hindu, Feb 02, 2002
12.
Facing
Up To The Facts, Kuldip Nayar, Hindu, Feb 02, 2002
13.
Dalits
And Durban – II, P. Radhakrishnan, Hindu, Aug 27, 2001
14.
Casting
Away Casteism, Editorial, Indian Express, Aug 24, 2001
15.
First
Among Unequals, Digvijay Singh, Pioneer, Jan 20, 2002
16.
New BJP
chief: Beginning on the right note, Rasheeda Bhagat, Business Line, Aug 28, 2000
17.
Cast As
Bandit , Editorial, The Telegraph, Jul 26, 2001
18.
Reservations May Lead To Further Disintegration, Kuldip Nayar, The Financial
Express, May 15, 2001
19.
Dastardly crime, Editorial, The Pioneer, Nov 13, 2000
20.
Vote
bank politics, Editorial, The Hindustan Times, Jun 11, 2000
21.
Caste
aside, Chandra Bhan Prasad, Pioneer, Jan 17, 2001
22.
Landed
with a riddle, Chandra Bhan Prasad, Pioneer, Jan 24, 2001
23.
Birds Of
The Same Feather, J. Sri. Raman, Hindustan Times, Jul 23, 2001
24.
Southern
tail-enders, Chandra Bhan Prasad, Pioneer, Sep 05, 2000
25.
North by
south?, Chandra Bhan Prasad, Pioneer, Sep 06, 2000
26.
Rights
Before Welfare, Editorial, The Deccan Herald, Oct 21, 2004
27.
The
Opportunism Of Dalit "Elites", C P Bhambhri, Pioneer, Jan 12, 2002
28.
Caste On
The Map, Editorial, The Telegraph, Aug 24, 2001
29.
The
Terror Of Khaps: Leadership Cowers Before Kangaroo Courts, L. H. Naqvi, Tribune,
Oct 16, 2004
30.
2
Massacres: Over Job, Over Straying Goats, Subrata Nag Choudhury, Indian Express,
Nov 06, 2003
31.
Thugs
with an alibi, Editorial, The Hindustan Times, Jan 31, 2001
32.
Tainted
Money, Bharat Jhunjhunwala, Pioneer, Jan 22, 2002
33.
Campaign
Against Discrimination, Amar Chandel, Tribune, Aug 28, 2001
34.
Heart of
darkness, Editorial, The Deccan Herald, Oct 17, 2000
35.
Dealing
With The Danger, Praveen Swami, Hindu, Oct 18, 2003
36.
Extreme
Measures, Madhushree C. Bhowmik, Telegraph, Nov 08, 2000
37.
Bloody
dead end, Editorial, The Hindustan Times, June 2, 2000
38.
Notional
measure, Editorial, The Deccan Herald, Nov 28, 2000
39.
Silence
Is Golden, Editorial, The Tribune, Apr 22, 2001
40.
Conversion As Protest?, Valson Thampu, Pioneer, Jul 22, 2001
41.
From
Green To Hyderabad Blues, Balbir K Punj, Pioneer, Jul 15, 2004
42.
Fight
Caste In Delhi, Not Durban, Rajinder Sachar, Pioneer, Aug 30, 2001
43.
Cast-Iron Discrimination, Shubha Singh, Pioneer, Aug 19, 2001
44.
The
Amendment That Buries Merit, Aravind P. Datar, Indian Express, Jan 22, 2002
45.
UGC's
retrogressive step, Arun Goyal, The Hindu, April 10, 2000
46.
The
Amendment That Buries Merit, Aravind P. Datar, Indian Express
47.
After 50
Years, Editorial, Indian Express, Jan 15, 2002
48.
Focus On
Future, Editorial, The Pioneer, Jan 27, 2002
49.
The
President’s Mind, Editorial, Indian Express, Indian Express, Jan 25, 2002
50.
French
slur, Editorial, The Asian Age, Apr 18, 2000
51.
Discrimination At Work, Andre Beteille, Hindu, Jul 10, 2002
52.
Death of
a Dalit, Editorial, The Hindustan Times, Dec 04, 2000
53.
Learning
From The Balco Misadventure Dialogue And Divestment, Vibha Pingle, Indian
Express, May 10, 2001
54.
Spice Of
Life, Yoga Rangatia, Pioneer, Jun 07, 2001
55.
In a
state of neglect and apathy, Chandra Bhan Prasad, Pioneer, Jan 31, 2001
56.
The
Costs Of Popularity, Sudha Pai, Telegraph, Jan 10, 2002
57.
Reach Of
Reservation, Editorial, The Hindu, Dec 05, 2001
58.
Identifying Real Backwards And Dalits, Pradeep Kumar, Tribune, Oct 16, 2001
59.
Literacy
In Bihar Remains Low And Uneven, Sanjay Kumar, Pioneer, Aug 29, 2001
60.
Reservation and the OBCs, V. K. Natraj, The Hindu, April 03, 2000
61.
Rise Of
Caste In Dravida Land, Amrith Lal, Indian Express, May 06, 2001
62.
From Net
To Noon Meal, Vidya Subrahmaniam, Times of India, Jun 02, 2001
63.
Pontiff
In Jail, R K Nandan, The Economic Times, Nov 20, 2004
64.
Missing
the point, Bharat Jhunjhunwala, Pioneer, Feb 12, 2001
65.
Political utility of Dalits, Vivek Kumar, Pioneer, Feb 14, 2001
66.
A new
Chattisgarh in an old India, Neera Chandhoke, The Hindu, Aug 29, 2000
67.
The
feminisation of poverty in Bihar, Brinda Karat, The Hindu, Oct 19, 2000
68.
Slide
unchecked, Editorial, The Pioneer, Jan 21, 2001
69.
Bureaucracy should not let it be, Joginder Singh, Pioneer, Feb 05, 2001
70.
Dalit
Agenda And The Action Plan, K. S. Chalam, Pioneer, Jan 20, 2002
|
|
|
Dalits In India: History, Issues, and Solutions
Aravind Sitaraman
April 21, 2005
Author is Editor-at-Large of
www.whatisindia.com a web-based Infobase on India.
He can be reached
at
editor@whatisindia.com
India is a complex nation
with more languages and ethnic groups that the United States, European Union,
Russia, and China put together. Its ancient and living civilization spans
millenniums and has survived many political, social, geographical, military, and
economic upheavals. This ancient system is what we now call “Hinduism” and those
who follow this way of life are called “Hindus.”
According
to Swami Vivekananda, acknowledged as one of the most advanced thinkers of
modern India, the word ‘Hindu’ is the Persian pronunciation of the word ‘Sindhu’
— ‘S’ getting pronounced as ‘H’. The Greeks pronounced ‘Sindhu’ as Indus. Thus,
the land surrounding ‘Sindhu’ river where the invaders came first was called
India from Indus and Hindustan from Hindu. The confusion arises when this word
‘Hindu’, which has no mention in any of our scriptures from the Vedas to the
Upanishads and Gita, or even in epics like the Ramayana and Mahabharata, is used
to describe the Vedic or Sanatana Dharma[1].
One of the primary reasons
for the continued survival and success of “Hinduism” is the far-reaching
structures and deep foundations by savants of India. The Varna system of
classification of society into four distinct groups is one of the foundations of
this civilization. The Brahmins (Teachers, priests, savants, social workers),
Kshathriyas (rulers, warriors, and administrators), Vaisyas (traders, merchants,
artisans, and farmers), and Sudras (servants) made up the four broad groups. The
origin of this Varna system can be traced back to the Purusha Suktham in the Rig
Veda. In this poem, these four groups are associated with organs of a Cosmic Man
(Purusha) who is one manifestation of the Supreme Diety (Purusha). The Brahmin
is associated with the mouth, Khastriyas the arms, Vaisyas the thighs, and
Sudras the feet [2].
Originally this Varna system was not hereditary and was rather conferred on the
basis of the individual's intrinsic nature and aptitude. The Rig Veda says: "I
am a composer of hymns, my father is a physician, my mother grinds corn on a
stone. We are all engaged in different occupations." In the Mahabharata,
Yudhishthira clearly states that a Brahmin is one who is truthful, forgiving,
and kind, and that being born in a Brahmin or Shudra family does not make one a
Brahmin or a Shudra. Much later, Adi Shankaracharya proclaimed that every human
being was by birth a Shudra, and only education made one 'twice born' (Dwija).
The Upanishads clearly state that the soul, whether of a Brahmin or a Chandal,
is divine. What then is the basis of considering its outer covering (body) as
pure in one case and impure in another?
[3].
Apart
from philosophy, there are concrete examples too. The great sage Vyasa, who
organized the Vedas, was the son of a fisher woman. The noble Vidura in the
Mahabhratha was the son of a servant woman. Of the 63 Shaiva revered devotees
only 5 were born Brahmins—notably the famous Nandanar was born a butcher.
Vishwamithra was a King. They became Brahmins because of their wisdom and
knowledge. There are innumerable such instances of reverence of saints of low
caste origins, just as there are examples of low caste entrepreneurs who became
mighty kings and elevated the status of their entire caste groups. Rama,
Krishna, and Buddha are considered avatars of Vishnu but were not Brahmins by
birth
[3].
Similarly, there were
Brahmins who were considered Asura (lowest type of individual) because of their
behavior. The Asura King Ravana is one such example of a grandson of Brahma,
although an ardent devotee of Shiva, is downgraded because he kidnapped Sita who
was another man’s (Rama) wife. Ashwathama, the son of warrior guru Drona, of
Mahabharatha was devalued because of undharmic (unacceptable behavior of a
warrior or Brahmana) activity of killing warriors who were asleep.
Although the Varna system
was not created to be hereditary, large scale invasion of people of monotheistic
and narrow orientation caused more confusion. Just as the way of life in the
South Asia was called “Hinduism,” invaders could not understand how a son of a
priest could not be a priest and how the son of a servant could be a priest.
Hence, they confused occupation (Jati) with their classification (Varna) and
created what we know today as the “Hindu caste system.” Historian AL Basham
writes that "A strong king was always a check on brahmanic pretensions, just as
the Brahmans were a check on the pretensions of the king." Similarly, Romila
Thapar says: "The gradual politicization of the office of purohita can also be
seen in the purohita becoming a check on the monarch." The classification of
Jatis into four Varna set them up as a check on each other. It was this check
that, despite its weaknesses, led to better governance in our history. Indian
civilization survived while most other civilizations, along with their Dalits,
perished [4].
This structural damage to
the ancient civilization had massive repercussions. Over the centuries, those
who were born to Brahmins, however undeserving, became Brahmins. Those who were
born Sudras, however deserving, became Sudras. Worse, Jatis within the
non-Brahmin classes vied with each other for domination and relegated those who
are economically susceptible to a new class that was so low that they could not
be “touched.” These untouchables called “Harijans” or children of God by Mahatma
Gandhi are now called Dalits.
India has an ancient
tradition of concern for the lower castes. As seen from the Bhakthi movement in
India, the saints have worked assiduously to raise the status and lifestyle of
lower caste groups. In modern times, Sri Aurobindo and others argued
passionately against the exclusion of one-sixth of the nation from social
equality and fraternity. Mahatma Gandhi sought to invest the Untouchables with
dignity by making upper caste inmates of his ashrams clear night soil.
Throughout the freedom struggle, the Congress was sensitive to the problem of
the lower castes [3].
The twentieth century
witnessed a very powerful anti-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, and
in other parts of India with a view to liberate Dalits from perceived and
experiential oppression and provide a separate identity to Dalits. Because of
Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkars’ efforts, the social agenda of Dalit
movements is now fully integrated with the political agenda of democratic
governance of India. The issue of Dalits in India has moved away from Hindu
religious scriptures to the Constitution of India and from the domain of
priestly class to Parliament and political parties
[5].
Keeping in mind that the
ancient Indian ethos is people- oriented, the Indian constitutional trust is to
abolish the appalling poverty and social suppression of the masses. Its
egalitarian emphasis and religious pluralism, with unity in diversity and
federal centrifugalism are anchored on socialistic-democratic, swadeshi-based
sustainable development. A casteless, classless social order is expressly spelt
out in Parts III, IV and IVA of the Constitution
[6].
Hence,
the Indian Constitution includes equality provisions and human rights (Articles
15 and 16), the abolition of untouchability (Article 17), the temple entry
provision (Article 25), special provisions for an SC and ST Commission (Articles
330-342 and 46), and in the scheme of Indian federalism (Articles 164 (1), 371
A-G, Vth and VIth Schedules). Thus, the Indian Constitution has a priority
constitutional commitment to fight a descent and birth based struggle against
casteism and tribalism. The Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955-1976 and the SC
and ST (Atrocities) Act 1989 underlie this commitment
[7]. The Indian
Constitution guarantees freedom of thought, expression, faith, and worship
[8]. Under Article
17 of the Indian Constitution, untouchability was “abolished” and its practice
made punishable under the law, 57 long years ago
[9].
Fifty
years ago, at the time of the framing the Constitution, there was genuine shame
among the upper castes at the way the Scheduled Castes had been treated for
thousands of years. For that reason, special privileges were enshrined for them
in the Constitution
[10]. Unlike the
apartheid that was in vogue in South Africa the Indian Constitution is
categorically inclusive. It does not exclude any social group from the
institutions of governance. Instead, there are provisions in the Constitution
for positive discrimination towards these social groups and affirmative action
in this regard has effected a set of changes in the socio-political discourse
[11]. The
Constitution created a list of Dalits, grouped them as Scheduled Castes (SC) and
Scheduled Tribes (ST), and even provided for a Commissioner for them
[12].
Marc
Galanter wrote in his book, “Competing Equalities: Law and the Backward Classes
in India”, “India's system of preferential treatment for historically
disadvantaged sections of the population is unprecedented in scope and extent.”
In contrast to the gradual dismantling of Affirmative Action in the U.S., and
weakening of Black politics, over the years India's reservation policies and
caste politics have been gaining in strength and popular support
[13].
It is
true that the Indian Constitution is the most progressive in the world. True
also that it contains a plethora of special laws and commitments to alleviate
the lot of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. But it is equally true
that after more than half a century, Dalits continued to be brutalized and
illegally segregated. Though the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities Act) 1989
exists, the lack of awareness, education, and prejudice in the law enforcement
machinery have kept Dalits, by and large, outside progress—landless, illiterate,
and economically feeble
[14]. Over 30,000 cases of crimes against
Dalits are recorded annually; of which one third is from UP, the state that has
given the largest number of Prime Ministers to the nation
[9].
This lack
of progress is not due to the lack of political representation, denial of
education, or a wanton denial of opportunities to Dalits. India has had a
President (highest Constitutional office), two Chief Ministers, several Federal
and State-level cabinet ministers, members of Federal and State-level elected
representatives, local bodies called Panchayats, researchers, scholars,
journalists, scientists, professors, artists, writers, etc who are Dalits. There
are several political parties (such as the Bahujan Samaj Party) that claim to be
Dalit owned, operated, and whose raison d’etre is to espouse the Dalit cause.
There are several political parties which claim to be ideologically aligned to
Dalits and geared towards social reengineering (such as the Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam, All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, Communist parties, Rashtriya
Janata Dal, Samajwadi Part, etc)
[15]. Parties that
are viewed as serving the “upper castes” such as Bharatiya Janata Party have
accommodated Dalits as its party presidents
[16]. The oldest part of India,
Congress, has had several Dalit leaders like Jagjivan Ram in prominent Cabinet
positions. The country even ignored 30 pending criminal cases against a Dalit
born “Bandit Queen” as a Member of Parliament
[17]. To fast track
Dalit development, the Indian Constitution over-ruled Dr. Ambedkar’s (the
unchallenged Dalit leader who framed the Constitution) opposition to reservation
by agreeing to reserve Government jobs, seats in educational institutions, and
positions in Government owned companies for Dalits
[18].
As with
all entitlements, came shrewd politicians who twisted rules to ensure their
political success. For example, in 1994 the then chief minister of Uttar
Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav, insisted that the recommendations of the Mandal
commission (which investigated the state of Dalits in India and made sweeping
recommendations that was opposed by the vast majority of the people). He wanted
to include Kumaun and Garhwal, although in these districts only two per cent of
the population comes from the backward castes. These areas have a fairly high
proportion of Dalits, who already enjoy the benefit of reservation. However,
about 70 per cent of the hill population is composed of Brahmins and Rajputs.
Notably, in Uttarakhand these high castes are often poor and economically
insecure, smallholder peasants who plough and cultivate the land themselves.
Mulayam Singh’s proposals which, if implemented, would deny local people jobs
and also lead to an influx of state employees from the plains, evoked strong
protests
[19]. Hence, what
started out as a good thing in the Constitution became a tool of power and
success in the hands of politicians who increasingly view Dalits as a vote-bank
[20].
Contrary
to expectations, States oriented towards ideologically- based social
reengineering (such as the Dravidian South and the Communist states fared much
worse). In communist states, inequality within West Bengal between Dalits and
non-Dalits, it is wider than what exists at all India level between Dalits and
non-Dalits. Dalit’s share in occupation declined after the Communists took
control of West Bengal
[21]. This only
proves that the Left Front Government s Operation Barga has negatively impacted
Dalits in West Bengal
[22].
In Tamil
Nadu, where the Dravidian movement with the professed anti-Brahmanism movement
to de-Brahminised Tamil society and create a a casteless society, has only
created new Brahmins. The Dravidian rhetoric rule has seen increasing caste
conflicts and a steep decline in the status of oppressed Dalits
[23]. The
mobilization of non-Brahmin castes in present-day Kerala, Karnataka, and Andhra
Pradesh has brought similar results as was witnessed in Tamil Nadu. Brahmins in
these states too are politically marginalized. At several points in time,
Governments in all the four southern states were headed by non-Brahmins, clearly
demonstrating the success of anti-Brahmin movements in the region. In fact,
Bihar is the only State where Dalits lag behind those of south, but here too,
Andhra Dalits are quite close to Dalits of Bihar in several respects. Therefore,
the elimination of Brahmins from power has not resulted in Dalit emancipation.
On the contrary, state and society under non-Brahmin dispensation have turned
more hostile to Dalits in South than elsewhere in India!
[24].
In other
parts of the country including North, Brahmins are not only numerically higher,
but they also regulate cultural/ideological value systems and dominate political
power structures. But, barring South, nowhere else restaurants are known to
maintain the `two-glass system'. While untouchability continues to have
pan-India characteristics, its cruellest form in South is without any parallel
and requires explanations. The Dravidian movement never questioned the
Chatur-varna order, or Brahminism; but neither did it raise an eyebrow over the
dominance of non-Brahmin vargas/castes over agrarian wealth. Most upper Shudra
castes in South, after establishing dominance over society and political power
structure, claim Kshatriyahood. In other words, after eliminating the perceived
Brahminical control and power structure, the non-Brahmins in control and power
demonstrate the same behavior as the ones they accuse the Brahmins of
[25].
A report
titled “Prevention of Atrocities against Scheduled Castes” that was released
recently by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) states that despite the
Indian Constitution providing protection to Dalits, they remain vulnerable to
discrimination and atrocities. Despite programmes to improve their
socio-economic status, Dalits remain marginalized. Crimes against Dalits grew
33% between 2000 and 2001 but what is shocking is that only at most 19% of them
are cleared
[26]. The silver
lining is that more and more atrocities against Dalits are getting highlighted
and many a time successfully resisted
[27]. By some reports, crimes against Dalits have grown
by 99%-- but this number is due to improved recording and reporting structures
being recently incorporated
[28]. However, the reverse is also true. There are
increasing cases of crimes committed with impunity by certain Dalit groups. In
UP and Bihar, the Dalits enjoy state protection. They are not touched even if
there is evidence of their involvement in acts of crime
[29].
Even the
rulers of Bihar and UP have not been able to check caste wars irrespective of
that the governmental power is exercised by the Messiahs of Dalits
[27]. In many cases, when heinous crimes are committed
against Dalits, representatives who are Dalits rarely visit and determine the
root cause
[19]. Dalit
communities have attacked each other over grazing rights and other perceived
infringement of privileges
[30]. Indeed, the
worst crimes are committed by Dalit leaders themselves against innocent Dalit
populations—Lalit Yadav tortures a truck driver, Sadhu Yadhav threatens to
murder a Government official, and Rajaram Paswan kills an innocent pedestrian,
Rajauli beats a partially deaf beedi-seller for not stepping aside; all Dalit
political Government functionaries in “Dalit-supporting” Governments operating
with impunity. Hence, the caste issue is exploited as a cover to commit crimes
[31]. There is a
general feeling among Dalits that the Dalit bureaucrats are anti-Dalit in their
behavior
[32]. There are
villages in India where people belonging to a particular Scheduled Caste which
is considered the lowest of the lowly can take water from a well in the Brahmin
part of the town but dare not go anywhere near the well of another SC caste,
which is a notch above them in social standing
[33]!
Rival
naxal (criminal communist groups operating to destroy society and order in the
name of freedom and retribution) kill innocent Dalits as retribution
[34]. Some 29 per
cent of civilians whose lives have been claimed by Naxalite terror in Andhra
Pradesh since 1990 were Dalit
[35]. The higher education minister was carried out by
a gang aged between 12 to 16. Most of these teenagers, indoctrinated into Maoism
as toddlers, are recruited from the Dalit villages of Palamau and Gumla
controlled by the MCC. The outfits intimidate the villagers into “donating” the
children to the cause of revolution and any act of defiance is punished with
death
[36]. The so-called
Maoists have also caught the disease of casteism. They compound it by insensate
massacres which are provoked or countered by better-equipped and organized
massacres by the so-called forward castes. They are unable to defend the
oppressed precisely because they refuse to accept the democratic system
[37].
The other
area of crimes against Dalit is inter-party rivalry. In a barbaric incident a
Dalit activist was hacked to death near Hoskote in Bangalore Rural District is
related to political feud between the Congress(I) and the Janata Dal (U)
leaders. The revelation made by Karnata Social Welfare Minister Kagodu Thimmappa
on the Government`s move to request the State High Court for constituting
special courts to hasten the clearance of the backlog of atrocity cases against
Scheduled Caste and Tribe people is at best be deemed a notional measure towards
establishing social harmony between the socially challenged segments and the
dominant communities
[38].
In a bid
to obliterate casteism from India’s social structure, the Chairman of the
All-India Federation of SC/ST Organisations, Mr Ram Raj, has launched a special
drive urging people to ‘embrace’ Buddhism as the religion does not conform to a
caste driven society. Strangely, however, Mr Ram Raj advocates people,
especially Dalits to ‘embrace’ Buddhism which he says is not conversion even
though he vehemently denies that Buddhism is a part of a larger Hindu religious
philosophy. One wonders, how embracing Buddhism would not entail conversion if
it is separate to Hinduism. Moreover, Mr Ram Raj has no coherent answer to
whether Buddhism, and consequently a caste-less society, would bring about
economic upliftment for the downtrodden
[39]. Mass conversions and mass
re-conversions rarely result from inner spiritual transformation, which is the
only legitimate need for converting. Conversion that falls short of this is
spiritually bogus. Such conversions are a greater loss to the religion to which
people convert than it is to the religion that they abandon
[40].
A few
years ago, a demand for reservation of "Dalit Christians" was fought back with
the logic that you cannot have the cake and eat it too. People who converted to
Christianity to get over their Dalit stigma cannot claim its benefit without
reconverting to their original faith. "Dalit Christians" ('Deceived Christians')
surely face discrimination from the church and upper caste Christians, who
dominate it. Under the banner of "Poor Christian Liberation Movement" they are
now calling the bluff of the elite and discriminatory church leadership. They
have realized that conversion had done little to elevate their social, economic,
or spiritual standing. The Dalit-Muslim unity sham is only directed against the
inherent unity of Hindu society and meant to weaken nationalism. It never meant
empowerment of underprivileged sections of Muslims against privileged Muslims.
In India neither Islam, nor Christianity, and neither Buddhism nor Sikhism has
been able to end casteism fully. Ambedkar had identified the presence of
caste-system amongst Muslims
[41].
The Dalit
Christians too have expressed their resentment at being discriminated by other
Christians in being denied facilities like common church and common burial
grounds. Violation of the Human Rights of the Dalits is perpetrated not only by
the State but also by dominant castes. More disturbingly, they found that in
Kerala, the CPI and the CPI(M) workers were threatened by Dalits who had left
their party to join the Dalit Movement and also instances of forbidding temple
entry to Dalits by the upper castes
[42]. Even in the
Christian community, many are getting disillusioned about the manner in which
Dalit activists have been fighting their cause. However, these activists,
instead of being concerned at this erosion of goodwill, are revelling in the
notoriety they have acquired
[10].
According
to Swami Agnivesh of the Bandhua Mukti Morcha, "Though caste and racism are
technically different, both are forms of discrimination. And, discrimination
exists not only among Hindus, but also among Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and
Buddhists”
[43].
Traditionally, the
politician only understood one tool to create opportunities for
Dalits—reservation. In reality, most of the benefits of reservation are garnered
by the rich and famous and conditions of the really deserving members of the
reserved category have remained unchanged for 40 years. The Mandal case made it
mandatory for the Central and State Governments to identify the creamy layer and
exclude these persons from the benefit of reservation. In fact, eight out of
nine judges in the Mandal case called for exclusion of the creamy layer while
five of them required such a layer to be specifically identified. The Supreme
Court indicated that the creamy layer
|
would refer to persons who had reached a
higher level of social advancement and economic status like IAS/IPS and other
All India Services. The Kerala Government went a step further and notified that
there was no creamy layer at all in their State! The Supreme Court struck down
this ridiculous assertion [44]. Political leaders including the Dalit leaders of all
parties reduce reservation to a ridiculous level by incorporating such social
group which enjoy dominance and have not experienced social discrimination in
the recent past. This tactic makes reservation redundant and also generates
conflict among the oppressed [45]. To ensure that economically and socially challenged
Dalits may benefit from reservation measures, it vital to exclude the “creamy
layer” from [46].
However,
reservation is not the end but only one step to alleviate the Dalit population.
It was not reservation but facilities for higher education that enabled Dr
Babasaheb Ambedkar to become what he eventually became — one of the tallest
leaders of India
[47]. Not willing
to take the hard steps required to ensure success for Dalits, some politicians
are pushing for reservation in private companies. As was observed in the Bhopal
document from the first ever Dalit conclave, “even if reservations are extended
to the private sector, the process will benefit an aggregate of 1 crore (10
million) Dalits only — leaving 17 crore (170 million) of them outside the scope
of any enabling provision. While the Dalit movement must strive to achieve
complete fulfillment of the quota, we at the same time must understand the
limited role reservation has in SC-ST’s progress and emancipation.”
[5].
Reservation as a tool of empowerment has not been very effective. But because of
narrow vested interests, nobody calls for a reappraisal, let alone advocate
doing away with it. Side-effects of this have been more pronounced than relief.
One, it has spawned ghetto mentality among those who have been given various
economic benefits without the privilege of social integration. Two, it has led
to the emergence of a creamy layer which refuses to step aside and let the rest
of the people come up. Three, it has generated disillusionment among the
upper-caste people who happen to be as poor, if not poorer, than their low-caste
brethren and yet cannot get a job or admission in a professional college despite
scoring higher marks. Class tension that this denial has caused should not be
wished away because it is standing in the way of genuine eradication of the
pernicious caste system
[33].
However,
in a quasi-libertarian model, mere reservation, which has in the past done great
service to the cause of Dalit empowerment, cannot be the panacea for Dalit
problems. Only their integration into the new economic forces, and the market
through which they are manifested, can
[48]. What the
Dalits need are education and opportunities to bring the best out of them. It
was a fellowship from the House of Tatas that enabled the first Scheduled Caste
youth from Kerala to enter the portals of London School of Economics and do well
in life. It was education, not reservation that helped Dr Ambedkar to excel in
his chosen fielnt-size:8.0pt;font-family:"Times New Roman"">[43].
d. Yes, the underprivileged sections need preference but not at
the cost of quality. That is what affirmative action in the US that the
President cites is all about
[49].
While it
is true that the Dalits have for centuries been oppressed and exploited because
they happened to be born into a particular category, Indian society has made
notable advance in trying to undo such cultural and historical wrongs; certainly
not enough advance, yes. But to deny that anything of that kind has taken place
is both myopic and ridiculous
[50].
It hardly
needs to be repeated that gender and caste prejudices are widespread in Indian
society. But it does not follow from this that denial of advancement to women or
to Dalits is always due to social prejudice and never due to poor performance.
In a Central Government office, in a public hospital or in an engineering
college it is now often difficult to deny advancement to individuals from the
weaker sections even when their performance is consistently below the average.
Legitimate discrimination on the basis of ability and performance is obstructed
by the pervasive suspicion that all discrimination, at least in India, is at
bottom and by its nature invidious
[51].
Justice
in the sense indicated by The Preamble of the Constitution has been achieved to
some extent if the emergence of Dalits, Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other
Backward Classes (OBCs) into social, economic and political salience in many
parts of the country is any indication. They have come a long way compared to
where they stood when the Republic came into being on January 26, 1950
[8].
The
National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has come out boldly on the side of the
weak and the oppressed many a time
[12]. For example, the NHRC asked the Tamil
Nadu Government to compensate scores of Dalits because of a police assault — two
years ago — in November, 1998
[52]. In Madhya Pradesh, one of the finest
examples of this new endeavor is our recent decision to reduce the percentage of
grazing land/common land from 7.5 per cent to two per cent and thus allotting
more than two-third of the total grazing land to SC/ST landless agricultural
laborers. As a result, about four lakh acres of agricultural land is now
available to landless SC/ST agricultural labourers. It must be noted here that
this land-mass was under the ownership of village panchayats, which consented to
the Government's decision
[15]. In many parts of India, the transformation of
panchayats has paved the way. With local decisions increasingly more
transparent, women and Dalits are able to participate more effectively than ever
in these arenas
[53]. There are
also areas where Dalits are leading the nation in constructive work. For
example, Dalit women prepared this plan after organizing mobile biodiversity
festivals across 70 villages so the livelihoods of poor tribals and villagers in
India are guaranteed
[54]. The Dalit
leadership has laid maximum emphasis on education and there are several schools
throughout the country so education is brought to their doorstep
[55].
The two
brief Mayavati governments spent considerable amounts on Dalit-oriented programs
such as financial aid to Dalit students; for marriage and sickness in Dalit
families; increase in the funds earmarked for welfare programs such as the
Indira Housing Yojana and the Ambedkar Village program; and cultural programs
such as Periyar melas and Ambedkar parks. While some of these programs helped
Dalits, they emptied the coffers of the state, leaving scarce funds for
investment in industry, education, infrastructure and health, which in the long
run would be most harmful for the poorest sections consisting mainly of Dalits
unable to afford facilities provided by the private sector. As a result, UP is
the first state in the country to get a program loan through the World Bank for
fiscal management. Despite intense international pressure on its fiscal policy,
the Vajpayee Government was willing to accept financial consequences for this
experiment to improve the status of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh
[56].
Higher
political representation, greater visibility, the applicability of rule of law
(other than in Bihar), and progress made by Dalits in areas other than states
run by those who claim to be Dalit supporters. These have brought large changes
to Dalits. The Dalits and the Adivasis have achieved remarkable progress in the
realms of education and employment. Admittedly, the record on their
representation has by no means been even in the arenas of state, public sector
and autonomous institutions, where reservation is operative
[57]. Mobile Dalits
who were first to take to education and politics have gained at the cost of
other totally marginalized castes
[58]. The Chamars are more illiterate as
compared to other Dalits. The condition of Dusadh in respect of literacy is
slightly better than other Dalits
[59]. Some castes
(Jatis) among the OBCs have registered noticeable advance in education and are a
powerful voice in politics. The Lingayats and Vokkaligas in Karnataka belong to
this group
[60]. The emergence
of an educated class among Dalits — Pallars in the south and Parayars in central
Tamil Nadu — has led to caste consolidation in these areas
[61].
Over the
past 50 years, relative incomes of the Scheduled Castes have increased, and so
have their opportunities for social advancement. However, those benefits have
gone only to a few. So, though the Scheduled Castes have enjoyed upward social
mobility at the caste level, and that upward movement has also been relatively
faster than for other castes, at the individual/family level, and in absolute
terms, that improvement has been unsatisfactory. Existing mechanism of Scheduled
Caste welfare, that aristocracy will perpetuate itself; benefits will not
percolate to those who are still languishing. A feeling has developed, even
among those who are sympathetic to the Scheduled Caste cause, that some among
the Scheduled Castes are getting a double privilege - the privilege of lower
standards on top of the privilege of high social/economic status
[10].
But Tamil
Nadu's most impressive achievement is clearly in health and nutrition.
Melavalavu, a Dalit village and the scene of a caste riot in 1999, is backward
by all accounts. And yet, at noon children emerge from their mud and thatch
huts. Plates in hand, they head for the Balwadi, where an ayah gives them their
lunch. Pregnant women also avail this facility. Tamil Nadu led the country with
its famous noon-meal scheme for school-going children in the 80s. However, this
program now covers nutrition project for even pre-school children
[62].
“Hindu”
religious leaders, like The Kanchi Shankaracharya, frequently visit slums and
backward areas. They meet Dalits, tribals, and other backward communities with a
view to help them come up socially, educationally and economically. The Kanchi
mutt and other Hindu organizations have started several schools, colleges, and
vocational institutions for Dalits, women, and the socially and financially
challenged in several parts of the country
[63].
Increasingly, atrocities against Dalit and its assertion against such activities
is supported by state machinery. The Dalits have been able to assert themselves
not because of protection from panchayats but due to that provided by the police
controlled by the State governments and the courts controlled by the Supreme
Court of India
[64]. The
appointment of two Dalits, Mr Ajit Jogi and Mr Babu Lal Marandi as the chief
ministers of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand respectively amply proves the point that
self-assertion of the Dalits in Indian society is a socio-political reality.
This has occurred at a faster speed within the last decade or so. Never before
in the history of independent India have Dalits occupied so many public
positions as they do now
[65].
Dalit-oriented Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) such as The Chattisgarh Mukti
Morcha managed to chart out a vision of a `new Chattisgarh for a new India' in
and through struggle against savagely oppressive industrialists, labor and
liquor contractors, and an insensitive state. Increasingly, the movement was to
negotiate significant issues such as environment, the evolution of a
mechanization program that would balance technology and human energy, and the
setting up of a school, a hospital, and a garage. It concentrated on the
empowerment of women, the release of bonded labor, the rehabilitation of slum
dwellers, and the dismemberment of exploitative work conditions. In time, lakhs
(100,000) of people joined the movement, which was meant to ameliorate the
conditions of the Dalits and the Adivasis and raise their consciousness about
local, national, and international problems. The rise in the daily wage and the
banning of liquor has resulted in higher levels of nutrition, and higher
standards of life. Workers now live in pucca houses and they can afford green
vegetables and fruit. Households are able to provide clothing and cleanliness,
because they have access to funds that were earlier frittered away on drinking
[66].
As part
of the ongoing campaign against violence and poverty, the All India Democratic
Women's Association (AIDWA) had recently organized a jeep jatha through eight
districts in Bihar holding on an average five meetings a day. The participants
were almost all rural women workers, mostly Dalit, with little or no land
[67].
Progress
in India has been large and visible especially since the past was so bleak. To
take Dalit development to the next level, a minimum land reform program is
required to break the back of the semi-feudal grip of the upper castes, which
results in the dehumanisation of the Dalit landless
[68]. There is an urgent need to
enforce the laws, by the enforcing agencies, without fear or favor. Otherwise,
how could the local police not arrest two Bihar Ministers, despite the court
declaring them as absconders? One of the now ex-ministers was guilty of
committing atrocities on a Dalit truck driver and his helper and the other had
recognized an institution, which was selling fake B.Ed. degrees. Only clear
procedures, simplified rules and curbing of discretion can end malpractices
[69].
The Dalit movement in the
country never had an agenda after the demise of Dr Ambedkar. The program of
action can be broadly divided into short term and long term strategies. The
short-term program should concentrate on the organizational issues and the
mobilization of resources for self-development and community involvement. The
long-term strategy should always aim to capture political power and economic
development [70]. As Dr. Ambedkar once said “However good a
Constitution may be, it is sure to turn out bad because those who are called to
work it, happen to be a bad lot. The working of a Constitution does not depend
wholly upon the nature of the Constitution. The Constitution can provide only
the organs of State such as the legislature, the executive and the judiciary.
The factors on which the parties they will set up as their instruments to carry
out their wishes and their politics. Who can say how the people of India and
their parties will behave” [6]?
|
|