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TANJAVUR
Brihadhiswara TEMPLE
Inscriptions
INTRODUCTION
As
it is intended to write in the next volume of this series about the
ancestors of Rajaraja I and the Cholas generally, it is enough here to
put together all that is known about the life and reign of this king.
The nature of the materials available to us precludes any details about
his private life. The personal history of a sovereign who lived in the
eleventh century and about whose times no contemporary historian has
left us any information must consist mainly of surmises and inferences
from the few facts that are known of his public life.
The
original name of the king was Rajarajakesarivarman or Rajakesarivarman
Mummadisoradeva, which occurs, in his earliest Tamil inscriptions. The
Tiruvalangadu plates[1]
call
him Arunmorivarman. This name, in the slightly altered form Arumorideva,
occurs also in some of the Tamil records of his reign. The composer of
the Tiruvalangadu plate’s remarks that at the birth of prince
Arunmorivarman[2]
“the wives of the serpent (Adisesha who is supposed to carry the earth
on his back) danced for joy in the belief that he would relieve their
husband of the burden of bearing the earth.” Rajakesarivarman
Mummadisora was the second son of the Chola king Parantaka II alias
Sundra-Chola, who was also known as Ponmaligaittunjinadeva[3]
“the king who died at the Golden Hall” (i.e., the temple
Chidambaram). According to the Tiruvalangadu plates, Sundara-Chola’s
queen Vanavanmahadevi is stated to have committed suttee.
Apparently the parents of Rajarajadeva were spending their last days at
Chidambaram as Saiva devotees. It was evidently this aspect of their
life that appealed most strongly to their daughter who set up images to
each of them in the Tanjore temple and made an endowment for their
worship (No. 6)
So
far as we know Rajarajadeva had an elder sister and an elder brother.
The latter was called Aditya-Karikala and all that is known of him is
that he fought in his youth with Vira-Pandya. In stone inscriptions he
is known as “Parakesarivarman, who took the head of Vira-Pandya.”
The name of Rajaraja’s elder sister was Kundavaiyar. She had married a
certain Vallavaraiyar Vandyadevar (Nos.2, 6, 7 and 8) about whom nothing
more is known. It is evident that she spent her later life in Tanjore
with her younger brother and that she even survived him. We may suppose
that Rajarajadeva entertained a high regard for her and that she
exercised considerable influence over him and contributed in no small
degree to the formation of his character.[4]
These were the surroundings under which the king was brought up. It will
now be necessary to briefly review the history of the Cholas of Tanjore
for a proper appreciation of the position, which Rajaraja occupies in
South-Indian history. The founder of the family was Vijayalaya who
established Tanjore as the capital of the dynasty. His son and
successor, Aditya I conquered the Pallavas, and his son ParantakaI was
continually fighting against the Pandyas and kept them effectually under
control. Towards the end of his reign the Rashtrakutas under Krishna III
invaded the Tamil country, killed the Chola prince Rajaditya and seized
Tondai-nadu, which they seem to have ruled for about a quarter century.
During this period the Cholas had to confine themselves to their
hereditary dominions in the Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts.
Aditya-Karikala appears to have regained Tondai-Nadu, as inscriptions
dated in his reign have been found in Ukkal and other villages of that
province. Apparently on his death or on the death of his father –
whichever was the later – the succession was disputed. The subjects
besought Arunmorivarman, i.e, Rajarajadeva to become king, but he
did not want the throne as long as his paternal uncle Madhurantaka
Uttama-Chola was fond of his country. Eventually Arumorivarman was
appointed heir-apparent while Madhurantaka “bore the burden of the
earth”. It looks as if the former was a minor when his father or elder
brother died.
It
is not necessary to give a detailed account to how the date of accession
of Rajarajadeva has been arrived at. Professor Kiel horn has examined a
number of dates of the king with astronomical details and has come to
the conclusion that his accession took place between the 25th
June and 25th July 985 A.D.
Turning
to the military achievements of the king which are mentioned in
thousands of his inscriptions found over a large part of the Madras
Presidency, we find that until the 8th year of his reign =
A.D. 994 he did not undertake any expedition. During this period he was
probably engaged in recruiting an efficient army and otherwise preparing
himself for the struggle, which he must have thought he should undertake
before the Chola power and prestige could be restored.
In
his first campaign the king is said to have destroyed a fleet in the
port of Kandalur, which appears to have been situated in the dominions
of the Chera King. The Tiruvalangadu plates, which furnish a lengthy
account of Rajaraja’s campaigns, do not mention this item at all. They
begin with the war against the Pandyas and report that Rajaraja seized
the Pandya king Amarabhujanga and that the Chola general captured the
port of Virinam. Perhaps Kandalur or Kandalur-Salai was near Virinam. It
is not unlikely that the Chola king fought, on more than one occasion,
against the Pandyas. The Cheras and Pandyas appear to have been allied
together in their war against the Chola king, for in the Tanjore
inscriptions reference is frequently made to the conquest of the Chera
king and the Pandyas in Malai-nadu, i.e., the West Coast (Nos. 1,
59, 91, etc.). Kandalur-Salai, which is stated to belong to the Chera
king in later inscriptions, was probably held by the Pandyas when it was
attached by Rajaraja.
Before
his 14th year = A.D. 998-99, Rajarajadeva conquered
Vengai-nadu, i.e., the Eastern Chalukya territory, Gangapadi and
Nurambapadi which formed part of the present Mysore State, Tadigaipadi,
the situation of which has not been made out satisfactorily.[5]
According to Eastern Chalukya copper-plate grants, the kingdom of Vengi
was without a ruler about this time. The interregnum in the Vengi
country, which preceded the reign of Saktivarman, is said to have lasted
27 years. On a previous occasion[6]
I pointed out that this interregnum probably came to an end in A. A. 999,
when the Cholas invaded Vengi. Accordingly it may be presumed that
Rajaraja restored order and peaceful government in Vengi by placing
Saktivarman on the throne.
In
the same period the Chola king conquered Kudamalai-nadu. Professor
Hultzsch has identified this country with Coorg,[7]
and we have actually an inscription at the village of Malambi in Coorg[8]
which belongs to the time of Rajaraja I and mentions his general Pan
chavanmaraya. A place named Udagai is mentioned in connection with the
conquest of the Pandyas (p. 250, note 3). The Kalingattu-Parani
refers to the “storming of Udagai” in the verse, which alludes to
the reign of Rajaraja. The Kulottunga-Soran-ula also mentions the
burning of Udagai. This was probably an important stronghold in the
Pandya country, which the Chola king captured.[9]
As the Pandyas were the natural enemies of the Cholas, Rajaraja seems to
have gloried much in his victory over them. In the historical
introductions of Tamil inscriptions where the above conquests are
recorded it is stated that he was “always depriving the Seriyas (i.e.,
Pandyas) of their splendour.” Having already overcome the Chera king,
probably while destroying the ships at Kandalur or in the war against
the Pandyas, Rajaraja assumed the title Mummudi-Chola, i.e., “the
Chola king who wears three crowns, viz.,the Chera, Chola and
Pandya crows” which occurs first in an inscription of the 14th
year at Melpadi[10]
[11]in
the North Arcot district. After his future was to be very bright and
imagined that the goddess of the Great Earth had become his queen along
with the goddess of Prosperity. It is in inscriptions of the 8th
year of the king’s reign that the usual historical introduction
beginning with the words tirumagal, which was evidently composed
after the conquest of the Pandyas, occurs for the first time. The Vikkirama-Soran-ula
evidently refers to the reign of Rajaraja when it mentions the conquest
of Malai-nadu and the killing of 18 princes in retaliation of the insult
offered to an envoy.[12]
The Kulottunga-Soran-ula also refers to the same Chola king who
“cut off eighteen heads and set fire to Udagai.” The conquest of
Malai-nadu and the burning of Udagai refer evidently to the reign of
Rajarajadeva, but it does not appear when he cut the heads of eighteen
princes.
The
king also subdued Killam and Kalingam. Tiruvalangadu plates mention
Rajaraja’s invasion against the country created by Parasurama, who had
taken a vow to destroy all the Kshatriyas. This country is described as
inaccessible on account of the mountains and the ocean, which surrounded
it. It is doubtful if the composer of the Tiruvalangadu plates refers
here to the conquest of Kollam or to the subjugation of the 12,000 old
islands of the sea mentioned in some of the inscriptions of the 29th
year of the king’s reign. If it is neither, there must have been an
invasion of Malabar, which does not find a place in the introduction of
the King’s Tamil inscriptions.[13]
As
regards the conquest of Kalingam, it is not unlikely that this was
effected by his son Rajendra-Chola. The Tiruvalangadu plates mention the
defeat of an Andhra king named Bhima in describing the reign of Rajaraja.
From the Ranastipundi grant we know that Vimaladitya bore the surnames
Mummadi-Bhima and Birudanka-Bhima. Besides,[14]
two inscriptions[15]
on the Mahendragiri Hill in the Ganjam district which must have been
included in Kalinga, record that a general of the Chola king
Rajendra-Chola defeated the Kuluta chief Vimaladitya, captured the
Mahendraparvata and caused a pillar of victory to be set up on the hill.
From these it may be concluded that Rajaraja deputed his son
Rajendra-Chola in his campaign against Kalinga. But the Chola king had
conquered Vengi already and, as I have surmised, placed Saktivarman on
the throne, thus bringing the interregnum to a close. It is therefore
unlikely that a member of Saktivarman’s family rebelled immediately
after and had to be subdued. In the absence of evidence to the contrary
I would suppose that the conquest of Kalinga by Rajaraja was earlier
than the war of Rajendra-Chola’s general with the Kuluta chief
Vimaladitya and was intended to help Saktivarman in consolidating his
dominions after the interregnum. Some considerable time after the
accession of Saktivarman, there seems to have been fresh trouble in the
Kalinga country. The Tiruvalangadu plates tell us that the Andhra king
had killed a certain Rajaraja and his seems to have been the cause of
the war. Who this Rajaraja was we are not told. But he must be been some
person in whom he Cholas were interested. This I take to be the occasion
when the pillar of victory was set up on the Mahendragiri Hill. We find
the Vengi king Vimaladitya at Tiruvaiyaru near Tanjore about A.D. 1013
– 14 making gifts to the Panchanadesvara temple[16]
Shortly before or after this date he must have married the Chola
princess Kundavai, daughter of Rajraja and sister of Rajendra-Chola.
Rajaraja
must have simultaneously directed his arms against Ceylon. The king is
said to have undertaken his expedition in order that “the eight
quarters might praise him”. This phrase occurs in the earlier
inscriptions, but in later ones the personal appearance of the
Singhalese seems to receive an uncomplimentary remark (e.g., in
Nos. 4 and 65). We have at Padaviya in Ceylon a Tamil inscription of the
27th year of Rajarajadeva corresponding to A.D. 1011 – 12
A.D. Several villages in Ceylon were granted by Rajaraja to the
Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore and had to remit their assessment to the
temple in the shape of money, grain or iluppaipal (No. 92). These
facts show that the subjugation of the island by the Chola king was
complete[17].
According to the Mahavamsa (Chapter LV) Mahinda V ascended the
throne in A.A. 1001. The trouble in Ceylon began in A.D. 1012 when the
king was unable to maintain his army and all the men of Kerala in his
service went up to the palace and demanded their wages. Then the Mahavamsa
describes events in Ceylon, which took place in A.D. 1037. According
to Tamil inscriptions these must have happened about A.D. 1016. The Mahavamsa
does not mention the invasion of Ceylon during the reign of Rajaraja
unless it be the expedition by Vallabha-Chola during the reign of
Mahinda IV (A.D. 975-991)[18].
Thus there is no doubt that there is some mistake in the Chronology of
the Mahavamsa. Then
comes a period of three years in the life of Rajarajadeva about which we
get no information from his inscriptions which are mainly concerned with
his military exploits. This is the interval between the 18th[19]
and the 21st years corresponding to A.D. 1002 and 1005
respectively. It was evidently during this time that the king received
the title Sri-Rajaraja, which occurs first in inscriptions of the 19th
year (= A.D. 1003). According to the Kongude-sarajakkal the king
made certain gifts to the Chidambaram temple in Saka 926 = A.D. 1004. It
is not impossible as will be show later on, that the title Sri-Rajaraja
was conferred on him by the temple authorities at Chidambaram. Perhaps
this was also the period when the king conceived the idea of building
the temple at Tanjore and made arrangements for the operations to
commence.
What
the circumstances were that led to the war with the Estern Chalukya
Satyasraya we are nowhere told. The Pallavas of Conjeevveram were
constantly fighting with the Chalukyas of Badami. The Western Chalukyas
of Kalyani were desceuded from the latter and the Cholas occupied
Tondai-nadu, the Pallava territory. Besides this fact we know of no
cause, which could have brought about the war[20].
The conquest of Gangapadi and Nurambapadi in the modern Mysore State
must have brought them into direct contact with the Western Chalukyas.
Besides, the rulers of these two conquered provinces were originally
feudatories of the Rashtrakutas, the political predecessors of the
Western Chalukyas in the Kanarese country. Both the Cholas and the
Western Chalukyas were powerful land strong and must have been looking
for an opportunity to measure their respective strength. Under these
circumstances any slight cause would have been enough to provoke a
quarrel.
The
Victory over Satyasraya is mentioned in the Tiruvalangadu and the large
Leyden plates and in one of the Tanjore inscriptions (No. 1). In the
Tamil records of the king, the conquest of the seven and a half lakshas
of Rattapadi evidently refers to the same event. It must have taken
place towards the end of the 21st (A.D. 1005) or beginning of
the 22nd year (A.D. 1006), to judge from the references to
the events in Tamil records. We have an independent confirmation of this
expedition. According to the Hottur inscriptions of Satyasraya, dated in
A.D. 1007-08, the Chola king – here called Nurmadi-Chola and named
Rajendra – having collected a force numbering nine hundred thousand
had pillaged the whole country, had slaughtered the women, the children
and the Brahmans, and, taking the girls to wife, had destroyed their
caste.[21]
The Western Chalukya king claims to have put the Chola to flight and
acquired great stores of wealth and vehicles. The Chola king evidently
attached much importance to his victory over Satyasraya, as he is said
to have presented gold flowers to the Rajarajesvara temple on his return
from the expedition.
The
next period in the life of the king, viz., the 23rd to the 29th
year, was not characterized by any military exploits. The Chola
dominions probably enjoyed peace and the king apparently devoted his
energies to the task of internal administration. The building of the
Rajarajesvara temple in Tanjore and the multifarious endowments and
gifts to it must have occupied a prominent place in the king’s mind
during these years.
We
have reason to suppose that the king also carried out a revenue survey
and settlement during the period.[22]
The Tanjore inscriptions published in Part I of this volume bear ample
testimony to the accuracy of the operations conducted by the king. Land
as small in extent as 1/52,428,800,000 of a veli was measured and
assessed to revenue. An inscription at Tiruvisalur in the Tanjore
district, dated in the 24th year of Rajaraja[23],
refers to a revenue survey apparently carried out some time before the
date of the inscription. The officer of Rajaraja who took an active part
kin the survey operations were perhaps the general (senapali)
Kuravau Ulagalandau alias Rajaraja-maharajan mentioned frequently
in No. 95 below. His title Ulagalandan, “one who measured the
earth”, might have been given to him in recognition of his services in
connection with the survey operations. It was apparently as a result of
this survey and settlement that the king issued his order dated the 124th
day of the 24th year to the following effect[24]
:
“The
land of those landholders in villages of Brahmanas, in villages of
Vaikhanasas and in villages of Sramanas (i.e., Jainas), in Sonadu,
in the adjacent district included in Sonadu, in Tondai-nadu, and in
Pandi-nadu alias Rajaraja-valanadu, who have not paid on the land
owned by them, the taxes due from villages, along with the other
inhabitants of those villages, for three years (of which two are
completed between the 16th and the 23rd years (of
my reign) shall become the property of the village and shall be liable
to be sold by the inhabitants of these villages to the exclusion of the
(defaulting) landholders. Also (the land of) those who have not paid the
taxes due from villages for three years (of which), two are completed,
from the 24th year (of my reign) shall be liable to be sold
by the inhabitants of those villages to the exclusion of the defaulting)
landholders.” This order of the king was written by the royal
Secretary Rajakesarinallur-Kiravau and having been approved by the Chief
Secretary Mummadi-Sora-Brabmamarayau and by Mummadi-Sora-Posau, was
engraved by order on the 143rd day of the 24th
year. The 29th was apparently the last year of Rajaraja’s
reign. Even then his warlike spirit does not seem to have abated; for,
in that year an expedition was dispatched against the twelve thousand
islands.[25]
Which group in the Indian Ocean was denoted by this name I am at present
unable to decide.
Rajaraja
bore several titles of which the following are the more important: —
Mummadi or Mummudi-Chola, Chola-Arumori, Rajasraya, Nityavinoda, Sri-Rajaraja
and Sivapadasekhara. He seems to have assumed the title Jayangonda-Chola
towards the end of his life. These titles of his, figure in territorial
designations occurring in the Tanjore inscriptions and one is tempted to
think that in the names Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu,
Pandyakulasani-valanadu, Keralantaka-valanadu, Rajendrasimha-Valanadu
and Uyyakkondar[26]
were titles of Rajaraja.
Rajaraja
indulged in a pretty large number of wives. Lokamahadevi,[27]
Cholamahadevi, Trailokyamahadevi, Panchavanmahadevi, Abhimanavalli,
Iladamadeviyar (Latamahadevi) and Prithivimahadevi are known from the
Tanjore inscriptions[28].
Each of them set up a number of images in the Rajarajesvara temple
and made gifts to them. Lokamahadevi was probably the chief queen. She
built the shrine called Uttara-Kailasa in the Panchanadesvara temple at
Tiruvaiyaru near Tanjore and made many valuable gifts to it. The shrine
was in existence already in the 21st year of the king’s
reign and was then called Lokamahadevisvara after the queen[29].
Only one son and one daughter of the king are known, viz.,
Rajendra-Chola I, whose accession took place one year before the death
of Rajaraja, and Kundava or Kundavai, who married the Eastern Chalukya
king Vimaladitya.[30]
The respect which Rajaraja showed to his elder sister Kundavi throws an
indirect light of his domestic life. She is spoken us “the venerable
elder sister.” In the sentence, which the king himself is said to have
uttered when ordering all the grants made to the temple to be engraved
on stone, the place assigned to his elder sister is next to himself and
the queens are mentioned after her (No. 1). During Rajaraja’s reign
the walls of the central shrine seem to have been reserved for
registering the king’s grants. The gifts made by the queens and the
Officers of State had to be recorded on the niches and pillars of the
enclosure. But Kundavai’s gifts were invariably engraved on the
central shrine.
That
part of Rajaraja’s intellectual nature to which students of
South-Indian history owe most is the desire on his part to record his
military achievements in every one of his inscriptions and thus had down
to posterity some of the important events of his life. As far as we know
at present Rajarajadeva was the first king of Southern India to
introduce this innovation into his inscriptions. Before his time
powerful kings of the Pallava, Pandya and Chola dynasties had reigned in
the South, and some of them had made extensive conquests. But none of
them seems to have thought of leaving a record on stone of his military
achievements. For instance, we have many stone inscriptions in Southern
India of the Chola king Parantaka I, whose extensive conquests are well
known. Of these the stone inscriptions refer only to the conquests of
Madura. Even this item of information would probably be missing had it
not been for the fact that the king bore the name of his grand father
Parakesarivarman, and it was consequently necessary to add the epithet
“conquerer of Madura” in order to avoid confusion. The idea of
Rajarajadeva to add a short account of his military achievements at the
beginning of every one of his inscriptions was entirely his own. His
action in this respect is all the more laudable because his successors
evidently followed his example and have left us more or less complete
records of their conquests. But for the historical introductions, which
are often found at the beginning of the Tamil inscriptions of Chola,
kings the lithic records of the Tamil country would be of very little
value, and consequently even the little advance that has been made in
elucidating the history of Southern India would have been well nigh
impossible. Early Tamil records are dated not in the Saka or any other
well-known era but in the regnal year of the king to whose time the gnats
belong, and paleography is not always a very safe guide in
South-Indian history. With the help of the names of contemporary kings
of other dynasties mentioned in the historical introductions of the
Tamil inscriptions, it has been possible to fix the approximate dates of
most of the Chola kings. Consequently, the service, which Rajarajadeva
has rendered to epigraphists in introducing a brief account of his
military achievements at the beginning of his stone inscriptions, cannot
be overestimated. The historical side of the king’s intellectual
nature is further manifested in the order, which he issued to have all
the grants made to the Rajarajesvara temple engraved on stone. That this
order of the king was not due entirely to self-glorification is borne
out by other records. For instance, an inscription of his reign found at
Tirumalavadi in the Trichinopoly district[31]
records an order of the king to the effect that the central shrine of
the Vaidyanatha temple at the place should be rebuilt and that, before
pulling down the walls, the inscriptions engraved on them should be
copied in a book. The records were subsequently re-engraved on the walls
from the book after the rebuilding was finished.
The
prominence given to the army from the conquest of the Pandyas down to
the last year of the king’s reign is significant, and shows the spirit
with which he treated his soldiers. Evidently Rajarajadeva gave his army
its due share in the glory derived from his extensive conquests. It was
evidently this same army that was called “the great warlike army”
during the reign of his successor Rajendra-Chola I. The following
regiments[32]
are mentioned in the Tanjore inscriptions: -
1.
Perundanattu Anaiyatkal.
2.
Pandita-Sore-Terinda-villigal.
3.
Uttama-Sora-terinda-Andalagattalar.
4.
Nigarili-Sora-terinda-Udanilai-Kudiraichchevagar.
5.
Mummadi-Sora-terinda-Anaippagar.
6.
Vira-Sora-Anukkar.
7.
Parantaka-Kongavalar.
8.
Mummadi-Sora-terinda-parivarattar.
9.
Keralantaka-terinda-parivarattar.
10.
Mulaparivara-vitteru alias Jananatha-terinda-parivarattar.
11.
Singalantaka-terinda-parivarattar.
12.
Sirudanattu Vadugakkalavar.
13.
Valangai-Parambadaigalilar.
14.
Perundanattu-Valangai-Velaikkarappadaigal.
15.
Sirudanattu-Valangai-Velaikkarappadaigal.
16.
Aragiya-Sora-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
17.
Aridurgalanghana-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
18.
Chandaparakrama-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
19.
Ilaiya-Rajaraja-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
20.
Kshatriyasikhamani-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
21.
Murtavikramabharana-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
22.
Nittavinoda-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
23.
Rajakanthirava-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
24.
Rajaraja-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar
25.
Rajavinoda-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
26.
Ranamukha-Bhima-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
27.
Vikramabharana-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkarar.
28.
Keralantaka-vasal-tirumeykappar.
29.
Anukka-vasal-tirumeykappar.
30.
Parivarameykappargal.
31.
Palavagai-Parampadaigalilar.
In
most of the foregoing names the first portion, viz.,: Pandita-Sora,
Uttama-Sora, Nigarili-Sora, Mummadi-Sora, Vira-Sora, Keralantaka,
Jananatha, Singalantaka, Aragiya-Sora, Aridurgalanghana, Chandaparakrama,[33]
Kshatriyasikhamani, Murtavikramabharana, Nittavinoda, Rajakanthirava,
Rajaraja, Rajavinoda, Ranamukha-Bhima and Vikramabharana appear to be
the surnames or titles of the king himself or of his son. That these
regiments should have been called after the king or his son shows the
attachment, which the Chola king bore towards his army. It may not be
unreasonable to suppose that these royal names were pre-fixed to the
designations of these regiments after they had distinguished themselves
in some engagement or other. It is worthy of note that there are
elephant troops, cavalry and foot soldiers among these regiments.
Thirteen of the above mentioned regiments belonged to the
Valangai-Velaikkara-ppadaigal, i.e. the Velaikkara troops of the
right hand. It is difficult to determine if this designation is based on
the distinction between the right hand and left hand castes of Southern
India. No mention of any left hand troops of this class is made in the
Tanjore inscriptions though their existence may prima facie be
assumed. At any rate the origin of the term is obscure and must be left
to future research. The Velakkara troops are frequently mentioned in the
Mahavamsa. The term velakkara is explained by Mr. L. A.
Wijesinha as “a body of mercenary troops employed by the Singalese.”
They figure in the history of Ceylon towards the close of the 11th
century A.D. during the reign of Vijayabahu (A.D. 1065 to 1120). They
were dispatched on an expedition against the Chola country but refused
to proceed and rebelled. Eventually they were subdued by the Singhalese
king. This mention does not throw much light either on the origin or on
their history in the Chola country at the beginning of the 11th
century. It is possible they were no mercenaries in the Chola country
but regular soldiers. If a conjecture may be offered, I would say they
were perhaps volunteers who enlisted when the occasion (velai)
for their services arose[34].
In later times when their services were not required in the Tamil
country they probably migrated into Ceylon during the period of interregnum
when there were frequent Chola invasions against the island. Eventually
they probably developed into mercenaries. It is interesting to note that
eighteen of the musicians of the Rajarajesvara temple belonged
originally to one or other of the foregoing regiments and no less than
twelve of them were from the Velaikkara troops. Each of these twelve
musicians got seventy-five kalam of paddy for his service in the
temple. To some of these regiments, the management of certain minor
shrines of the temple was entrusted and they were expected to provide
for the requirements of the shrine. Others among them took money from
the temple on interest, which they agreed to pay in cash. We are not,
however, told to what productive purpose they applied this money. At any
rate all these transactions show that the king created in them an
interest in the temple built by himself.
Among
the officers of Rajaraja two generals are referred to in the Tanjore
inscriptions, viz. – Kuravan Ulagalandan alias
Rajaraja-Maharajan and Krishnan-Raman alias
Mummadi-Sora-Brahmamarayan. The latter was the Chief Secretary (Olai-ndyagan
or Tirumandiravolai-nayagan) from the 21st to the
24th year of the king’s reign. Another such Secretary (Tirumandiravolai)
was Karayil Eduttapadam, the headman of Rajakesarinallur. Amudan
Tirttakarau, the headman of Vilattur, who drafted the Anaimangalam grant
recorded in the large Leyden plates was also another Secretary;
Irayiravan Pallavayan alias Mummadi-Sora-Posan must also have
belonged to the secretariat staff as he signed both the Anaimangalam
grant and the Ukkal inscription relating to revenue settlement. All of
the above mentioned officers figure in the Tanjore inscriptions as
donors. Krishnan-Raman built at least two of the enclosing verandahs of
the temple. Another officer who belonged to the secretariat was Velau
Uttama-Soran alias Madurantaka Muvendavelan who figures among the
signatories to the original order of the king in the Anaimangalam
charter. Other officers are also mentioned in the large Leyden plates viz.,:
— Five persons who are described as Karumamarayum, i.e,
“those who look after (the king’s) affairs. They were probably the
king’s executive officers. Four others who must have been Brahmanas
are described as naduvirukkum “those who are in the middle.”
These were perhaps arbitrators or judges. Two other officers are also
mentioned, viz.,puravuvari and varippottagam. The former
was apparently the office dealing with taxes due from revenue-free
villages and the latter with the rent-roll of the Chola dominions.
Another important officer of the king was the magistrate (adhikarin)
Udayadivakaran Tillaiyali alias Rajaraja-Muvendavelan of
Kanchivayil who figures both in the large Leyden plates and in the
Tanjore inscriptions. Still another important person was the temple
manager Adittan Suryan alias Tennavan Muvendavelar, who was the
headman of Poygai-nadu. He set up images of some of the sixty-three
Saiva devotees in the temple and made gifts to them. The king seems to
have conferred the title Perundaram on the most important officers and
men of note in his dominions. The title Perundaram is prefixed to
Sirudanattu-panimakkal, i.e., “the servants of the Sirudanam”[35]
which seems to denote a class of officers. Perhaps the term was used to
denote subordinate officials. One of the officers is described as
Sirudanattu-Perundaram. He probably belonged to the class of subordinate
officials but received the title Perundaram.
The
study of Rajaraja’s inscriptions leaves on us the impression that he
must have been an active man[36]
and that he was probably successful in realizing some of the highest
aims of his life. Like most men who devote a considerable portion of
their earlier years in the active pursuit of cherished earthly aims,
this Chola king spent the later portion of his life in works of
devotion. The Rajarajesvara temple at Tanjore, which has evidently
served as a model for a large number of other temples in Southern India,
is a stupendous monument of the religious instinct of this sovereign.
The enormous endowments in lands and gold made to the temple show that
the king had one sole object in his later life, viz., to leave no
want of the temple unsupplied. Almost all the booty he acquired in wars
he gave away to the temple. Utensils required for temple services;
ornaments for the various images set up in the temple; villages for
supplying the temple with the requisite amount of paddy ‘ money for
purchasing the various articles for temple use not omitting even
camphor, cardamom seeds, champaka-buds and khaskhas-roots
required for scenting the bathing water of the gods (No. 24) ‘ sheep,
cows and buffaloes for supplying the ghee required for lamps; skilled
musicians for singing the Devaram hymns; dancing girls; Brahmana
servants for doing the menial work in the temple; accountants for
writing the temple accounts; and temple treasurers, goldsmiths,
carpenters, washer men, barbers, astrologers and watchmen were provided
on a most liberal scale.[37]
The systematic way in which the various endowments to the temple were
made and the principles laid down for their proper administration be
speak a genius for organization which could not have been quite a
characteristic feature of kings in general at the time. In spite of his
sincere and deep-seated devotion to the Saiva faith he was tolerant
enough towards other religions. He permitted a feudatory of his to build
a Buddhist shrine at Negapatam and granted the village of Anaimangalam
to it. This grant is registered on the large Leyden plates. In his order
of the 24th year regarding revenue arrears, the villages of
Sramanas (i.e. Jainas) are also included. This shows that the
latter enjoyed equal privileges with Brahmanas and Vaikhanasas.
The
extent of Tanjore city during the reign of Rajaraja may be judged from
the large number of big-streets, quarters and bazaars mentioned in its
inscriptions. The town proper as in the case of the large cities of the
present day was not confined to the traditionary old limits (ullalai)
but extended far beyond (purambali). The following street,
bazaars and quarters of which several were named after the king or the
princes of the family are mentioned (Nos. 94 and 95): -
(1)
Abhimanabhushana-terinda-velam.
(2)
Anai-atkal-teru.
(3)
Anaikkaduvar-teru.
(4)
Arumorideva-terinda-tirupparigalattar-velam.
(5)
Brahmakuttam.
(6)
Gandharva-teru
(7)
Jayangondasorapperunderu.
(8)
Kongavalar-angadi
(9)
Madaippalli-teru.
(10) Pandi-velam.
(11)
Panmaiyar-teru.
(12)
Panchavanmadeviyar-velam alias Kaidavakaidava . . . . . . velam.
(13)
Rajaraja-Brahmamaharajau-angadi.
(14)
Rajaraja-terinda-Pandi-tirumanjanattar-velam.
(15)
Rajavidyadharapperunderu.
(16)
Raudramahakalattu-madaivilagam.
(17)
Saliyatteru.
(18)
Sivadasansolai alias Rajaraja-Brahmamaharajan-padaividu.
(19)
Surasikhamanikpperunderu.
(20)
Tribhuvanamahadevipperangadi.
(21)
Uttamasiliyar-velam.
(22)
Uyyakkondan-terinda-tirumanjanattar-velam.
(23)
Vanavanmadevipperunder.
(24)
Villigal-teru.
(25)
Virasorapperunderu.
The
exact date of the building of the Tanjore temple is a question that
deserves some attention. Stone temples were apparently not quite common
in the time of Rajaraja. This is shown by the use of the word tirukkarrali,
i.e. “the stone temple” in the order of the king to have all the
gifts engraved on stone. The difficulties also of procuring stones for
such a big building must have been very great, particularly as there was
no hill in or very near Tanjore, which could have supplied the requisite
quantity. Such a monument as the Tanjore temple would take several years
to build even with all the inventions of modern engineering. But at the
time of which we are speaking mechanical appliances must have been in a
primitive state and hence the time taken to finish the building must
have been much longer. Therefore we shall only try to fix when the
building was probably begun and when it came to a close. We have some
reason to suppose that the period between the 18th and 21st
year of the king’s reign was not occupied with any wars.; This was
probably the time when the titles Sri-Rajaraja and Sivapadasekhara were
conferred on him as suggested already. The name Sri-Rajaraja occurs
first in an inscription of the 19th year of his reign. If, as
is not unlikely, the name Sri-Rajarajesvara was given to the temple in
order to perpetuate the biruda Sri-Rajaraja the king could not
have conceived the idea of constructing the temple before the 19th
year. The temple must have existed in some from or other in the 21st
– 22nd year (= A.D. 1005 – 1006); because it was during
this year that the king’s expedition against Satyasraya was
undertaken, and on his return from this conquest Rajaraja is said to
have presented some gold flowers to the temple. The whole structure,
however, could not have been ready by that time. A very large number of
gifts are stated to have been made between the 23rd and 29th
years. The 23rd year was probably chosen because the building
of the temple had in that year reached an advanced stage. Thus it
appears that the construction of the temple began in the 19th
year and that a considerable portion of it was completed by the 23rd
year. On the 275th day of the 25th year the king
presented a copper-pot to be placed on the pinnacle of the central
shrine. We may conclude from this time; for, so far as the central
shrine was concerned, the fixing of the copper-pot on the pinnacle would
have been the last thing to be done.
A
considerable part of the enclosure of the temple was, by order of the
king, built by a Brahmana named Krishnan Raman who was a military
officer. This fact is engraved twice on the south enclosure and once on
the west enclosure. From this repetition we may conclude that these two
enclosures were built at different times by the king’s general. There
is no such inscription on any part of the north or east enclosure, and
it is not impossible that they were built by the king himself. The gopura
of the east enclosure and the Chandesvara shrine must have been
built before the conquest of the 12,000 islands by the king in the 29th
year of his reign.[38]
The
circumstances, which led to the building of the Sri-Rajarajesvara
temple, may now be examined. In the Devaram hymns, the Tiruvisaippa
and the Periyapuranam, the first place among Saiva shrines is
assigned to the Nataraja temple at Chidambaram, which is designated koyil,
i.e., “the temple”. The name Adavallan “one who is able to
dance” which was given o one of the chief images[39]
in the Rajarajesvara temple is derived from that of the deity in the
temple at Chidambaram and shows the importance attached to that temple
during the time of which we are now speaking. From two of the Tanjore
inscriptions (Nos. 65 and 66) it is evident that the names of the god as
well as of the temple at Chidambaram and their various synonyms were
very commonly borne by men and women during the time of Rajaraja.
Reference
has already been made to the titles Sri-Rajaraja and Sivapadasekhara.
The second, which means ‘one (who has) the feet of Siva as (his)
crest’ is a distinctly religious designation. Rajaraja being one of
the names of Kubera, the Hindu god of wealth and a friend of Siva, the
title Sri-Rajaraja, “the glorious Kubera” must have been conferred
on him on account of his munificence. As it appears that both of these
titles were conferred at one and the same time, it may be supposed that
the king owed them to the authorities of the Chidambaram temple.
Rajaraja’s great grandfather Parantaka I. Had distinguished himself by
his devotion to that temple. He had either built or at least repaired
the golden hall at the place. It was, therefore, quite natural that
Rajaraja should try to imitate his famous ancestor in his devotion to
the most important Siva temple in Southern India. Practical as he
appears to have been in everything he did, the king was not forgetful of
his capital Tanjore when he wanted to demonstrate his devotion to the
Saiva religion, land accordingly built a temple there. In order to
perpetuate the title Sri-Rajaraja, which he must have prized highly,[40]
the temple was called Sri-Rajarajesvara.
A
study of the order in which the various inscriptions of the temple were
engraved is not altogether unprofitable. It appears that the walls of
the central shrine were reserved for recording royal gifts, including
those of the king’s elder sister about whom more will be s aid in the
sequel. The inscription on the north wall (No. 1) which begins with the
Sanskrit verse (etat visva-nripa-sreni, etc.) was the first to be
engraved and contains the order of Rajarajadeva to have all the grants
made by himself and others recorded on the walls of the central shrine.
This order of the king is dated on the 20th day of the 26th
year. The gifts, which had actually been made prior to this date, were,
seven by the king himself and eleven by his elder sister as registered
in No. 2. No earlier benefactions of any of the queens or other donors
are known prior to his date. Accordingly when he king issued orders that
the gifts made “by us, those made by our elder sister, those made by
our wives and those made by other donors” should be engraved on stone,
he himself intended to make in addition a large number of presents and
expected that his queens and his officers would follow his example. Thus
he order of the king referred more to future benefactions than to those
which had actually been made prior to the date of the royal order. The
earliest gift of which the date is definitely given is that of the
copper-pot which was to be placed on the pinnacle of the central shrine.
Though it was made on the 275th day of the 25th
year, it is by mistake registered between a gift of the 34th
day of the 26th year and another of the 104th day
of the same year. Some at least of the numerous gifts, which, in this
inscription, are stated, to have been made in the period from the 23rd
to the 29th year of the king’s reign may evidently have
been anterior even to the date given at the beginning of the record. No.
2 likewise begins with the 310th day of the 25th
year and registers gifts made by |
